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The Colonial History of Wye Plantation, the Lloyd Family, and their Slaves on Maryland's Eastern Shore: Family, Property, and Power

ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 2011
Dissertation
Author: Amy Speckart
Abstract:
The history of the Lloyd family at Wye Plantation in Talbot County, Maryland, from the 1650s to the early 1770s refines and complicates the dominant historical narrative of the rise of a native-born Protestant planter elite in colonial Chesapeake scholarship. First, the Lloyds were a wealthy and politically prominent Protestant family that benefited from close ties to Catholics up to the end of the colonial period. Second, in contrast to traditional histories of the colonial Chesapeake that emphasize the raising and marketing of tobacco, Wye Plantation's history attests to the importance of grain and livestock farming on a commercial scale, in addition to tobacco production, on the upper Eastern Shore since the seventeenth century. This study examines the strategies of the Lloyd family to build their wealth and influence in Maryland in the context of the colony's political, economic, and social development. In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Lloyds forged kinship ties to Maryland's Catholic gentry, to Quakers, and to the Bennetts of Virginia and Maryland. With these connections, the plantation's trade with London and the West Indies expanded. In the mid- eighteenth century, Edward Lloyd III used his status as a trusted client within Lord Baltimore's patronage network to develop Wye Plantation as a locus of power. Upon his death in 1770, his son moved aggressively to preserve assets that would be the basis of his own independence. This dissertation uses an interdisciplinary approach to document Wye Plantation's history. Sources include probate records, government proceedings, the Lloyd Papers and the Calvert Papers at the Maryland Historical Society, the Cadwalader Collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and portraits by Charles Willson Peale. While plantation ownership remained the basis of social and political authority in the colony, each generation of the Lloyd family made use of the home plantation in context- specific ways. This thesis examines change in the uses of a Chesapeake plantation, and the meanings attached to plantation ownership, from the point of view of each generation of the Lloyd family during the colonial period.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgments ii List of Figures iv Introduction 1 Chapter I. The Origins of Wye Plantation: An Investment in Colonial Trade 20 Chapter II. Fashioning a Role among Maryland's Protestant Elite: 60 Edward Lloyd II of Wye Plantation at the Turn of the Eighteenth Century Chapter III. Power Play: Wye Plantation under Edward Lloyd III, 1730-1770 135 Chapter IV. "Uneasiness and Confusion" at Wye Plantation: The Division of 186 Edward Lloyd Ill's Estate in 1770 Conclusion 235 Figures 244 Appendix A. Lloyd Family Genealogy 266 Appendix B. The Lloyd House at Wye Plantation, 1770, based on Inventories 268 Bibliography 276 Vita 295 I

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My interest in the relationship between social and physical landscapes was formed in college, where I was exposed to imaginative approaches to the history of everyday life. The colonial Chesapeake intrigued me as the birthplace of my native country and as a region and time period from which little survives above ground. I am indebted to my professors at UC Berkeley, in particular the late James Deetz, professor of anthropology, and Robert Middlekauff, professor of history, for their tutelage. I am also grateful for opportunities to study history and material culture outside of the classroom, through internships and training programs with the following organizations: the Papers of Charles Willson Peale and his Family at the National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, the Department of American Decorative Arts and Sculpture at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, the Vernacular Architecture Forum, the Attingham Summer School thanks to the support of the Royal Oak Foundation, and US/ICOMOS, whose summer internship program put me at work with the National Trust of England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland. Since my introduction to Wye House on a field tour of Maryland's Eastern Shore during the 1998 annual conference of the Vernacular Architecture Forum, I have drawn on the expertise of many, including Carl Lounsbury, Willie Graham, Mark Wenger, Ronald Hurst, Dennis Pogue, Al Luckenbach, Orlando Ridout V, Edward Schull, and Peter Pearre. I particularly wish to thank Michael Bourne for sharing his knowledge with ii

me and for providing the drawing of the early Lloyd house that appears in this dissertation. Additionally, the project could not have moved forward without the assistance of the staff at the Maryland Historical Society and the Maryland State Archives. For their support during the initial stages of this project, I thank Professors Chandos Brown, Ronald Hoffman, Scott Nelson, and Alan Wallach. I also thank Mrs. R. Carmichael Tilghman, Sr., for her generous hospitality during my visits to Wye House and for sharing her family history with me. As my work passed through innumerable drafts, it has benefited from comments by, and discussions with, Ronald Hoffman, Jean B. Russo, the late Rhys Isaac, David Steinberg, John Murrin, Cary Carson, Camille Wells, Kevin Kelly, Karin Wulf, and numerous graduate student colleagues, including Stephen Feeley, Sharon Sauder Muhlfield, Karen Northrup Barlizay, Anna Agbe-Davies, Susan Kern, Antoinette Sutto, Jason Sharpies, and Kaja Cook. Lorena Walsh and Philip Morgan also provided valuable advice. Karen M. Verde and Laura Helper-Ferris edited my work. Jessica Clark, Gina Hiatt, Jayne London, and Deidre Connelly gave personal support and coaching. I am also grateful to my brother, James D. Speckart, for his technical assistance. I dedicate this thesis to my parents, Margaret Merris Speckart and Paul Frederick Speckart, whose support of the project never flagged. iii

LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Map of Chesapeake Bay. Published in Paul G. E. Clemens, 244 The Atlantic Economy and Colonial Maryland's Eastern Shore. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980), Map 1. 2. Detail of Map of the State of Maryland laid down from an actual 245 survey.. .also a sketch of the State of Delaware shewing the probable connexion of the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays. June 20, 1794. Engraved by J. Thackara and J. Vallance (Philadelphia, 1795). Library of Congress. 3. Detail of Map of Talbot County, with Farm Limits, by William H. 246 Dillworth. Engraved and printed by Rae Smith (1858). Library of Congress. 4. Aerial view of Wye House, 1927. Dallin Aerial Survey Company 247 Collection (No. 70.200.2646). Courtesy, Hagley Museum and Library. 5. Site plan of Wye House and grounds, drawn by Nancy Kurtz. 248 Published in Michael Bourne, Orlando Ridout V, Paul Touart, and Donna Ware, Architecture and Change in the Chesapeake: A Field Tour of the Eastern and Western Shores (Crownsville, Md.: Maryland Historical Trust Press, 1998), 115. 6. Wye House, December 2, 1882 (Z24.3112). Courtesy, Maryland 249 Historical Society, Baltimore. 7. Greenhouse ("Orangery") at Wye House, 1936. Historic American 250 Building Survey, Library of Congress. 8. "Captain's House" at Wye House, 1936. Historic American Building 251 Survey, Library of Congress. IV

9. Cemetery at Wye House, 1936. Historic American Building Survey, 252 Library of Congress. 10. Wharf and Water Fence, Wye House, March 26, 1883 (Z24.3114). 253 Courtesy, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore. 11. View at Wye House, 1882 (Z24.566). Courtesy, Maryland Historical 254 Society, Baltimore. 12. Plat for Henrietta Maria Lloyd, September 25, 1695. Courtesy, 255 Special Collections, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis. 13. Overlay of Plat for Henrietta Maria Lloyd, 1695 (Figure 12) on detail 256 of Dillworth, Map of Talbot County, with Farm Limits (Figure 3). 14. Conjectural plan of the first floor of the Lloyd house, 1685-1719, 257 based on probate inventories. Drawn by Michael O. Bourne. Reproduced with permission. 15. Detail of Plat for Henrietta Maria Lloyd, September 25, 1695. 258 Courtesy, Special Collections, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis. 16. Landholdingsofthe Lloyds of Wye, 1650-1796. 259 17. Landholdingsofthe Lloyds of Wye, 1650-1796. 260 18. Charles Willson Peale, "The Edward Lloyd Family," 1771. Courtesy, 261 Winterthur Museum and Library. 19. Detail of "The Edward Lloyd Family," 1771, by Charles Willson 262 Peale. Courtesy, Winterthur Museum and Library. 20. Charles Willson Peale, "Richard Bennett Lloyd," 1771. Courtesy, 263 Winterthur Museum and Library. v

21. Charles Willson Peale, "The John Cadwalader Family," 1772. 264 Courtesy, Philadelphia Museum of Art: purchased for the Cadwalader Collection with funds contributed by the Mabel Pew Myrin Trust and the gift of an anonymous donor, 1983. 22. Page from inventory of Edward Lloyd's estate, December 1770, for 265 White House plantation. Lloyd Papers, MS 2001, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore. vi

1 INTRODUCTION This thesis examines change in the use and meaning of a Chesapeake plantation from the point of view of each generation of the owning family during the colonial period. Wye Plantation in Talbot County on Maryland's Eastern Shore has a remarkable history of continuous family ownership from the 1650s to the present day. Inspired by the survival of landscape features from the colonial and early national periods, the thesis begins the work of placing physical changes in the plantation's landscape in the context of the economic, social, and political history of Maryland. While plantation ownership remained the basis of social and political authority in the colony, each generation of the Lloyd family had a different understanding of the relationship between family, property, and power. The historic landscape at Wye Plantation has captured the interest and imagination of antiquarians and academics since the early twentieth century. Wye House, as the site is known today, has one of the best-preserved landscapes of a late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century plantation in the Chesapeake region. The extant great house, built by 1792, dominates the view at the end of an elliptical driveway. Early- nineteenth-century outbuildings, such as a dairy and a meat house, add to the length of the facade of the main house. To the rear of the house is a rare surviving eighteenth- century greenhouse with early-nineteenth-century alterations. The greenhouse is an artifact of earlier pleasure garden designs. (See Figures 4 through 7.) The landscape at Wye House reflects the prominence of the owning family in the early national period, but there are also signs of occupation during the colonial period.

2 Along an axis that is perpendicular to the one delineated by the driveway and the greenhouse, and closer to the water, stands a mid-eighteenth-century, one-and-a-half story brick building, a remnant of a complex of buildings that may have included the first Lloyd family dwelling on the site. A family cemetery with burials dating back to the late seventeenth century, alongside the greenhouse, offers further testimony to the site's long history.1 (See Figures 8 and 9.) Originally conceived as a landscape history that would incorporate written and material evidence about life at Wye House through to the 1820s, this thesis instead focuses on the colonial period of which, admittedly, little survives above ground. Intensive document-based research on the first four generations of Lloyd family residence reveals a complex history of occupation and land use before Edward Lloyd IV (1744—1796) inherited the plantation in 1770. After 1770, Edward IV profoundly altered the use and appearance of the plantation's landscape. These alterations, which relate to Histories of the architecture and landscape of Wye House first appeared in Maryland Historical Magazine 17 (1922), 18 (1923), 48 (1953), and in Henry Chandlee Forman, Old Buildings, Gardens, and Furniture in Tidewater Maryland (Cambridge, Md.: Tidewater Publishing, 1967). See also Christopher Weeks, Where Land and Water Intertwine: An Architectural History of Talbot County, Maryland (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 53-75. The Vernacular Architecture Forum's 1998 Annual Conference field guide to Maryland's Western and Eastern Shores offers a more recent treatment (Michael Bourne, Orlando Ridout V, Paul Touart, and Donna Ware, Architecture and Change in the Chesapeake: A Field Tour of the Eastern and Western Shores [Crownsville, Md.: Maryland Historical Trust Press, 1998], 115-19). The VAF guide includes the findings of Dr. Al Luckenbach, county archaeologist for Anne Arundel County, Md., who conducted ground-penetrating radar testing and limited test excavations around the brick building in 1997. His team discovered footprints of several buildings and artifacts showing occupation there from the later seventeenth century to the nineteenth century. On September 5, 2006, the New York Times reported on archaeological excavations at Wye House led by Dr. Mark P. Leone. The excavations focus on the nineteenth-century period.

3 his decision to rely on agriculture with slaves for his income, mark a departure in the family's history and thus provide an end point for this study. Historiography When writing a multigenerational history of a plantation-owning family in the colonial and early national Chesapeake, the dominant historical narrative of the rise and decline of a planter elite in Maryland and Virginia constantly rears its head. The Lloyd family specifically has been cited as an example of an "emerging native-born elite" at the turn of the eighteenth century. The Lloyds also offer a counterexample of the thesis of "decline" of the planter elite at the turn of the next century. It is not the purpose of this dissertation to prove or disprove the narrative. Instead, as a history of a single site, this study refines the narrative within a specific local context.2 Briefly stated, the narrative that was developed in scholarship in the 1970s and 1980s is as follows. The rise of a native-born planter elite in early- and mid-eighteenth- century Virginia and Maryland was bracketed by social and political instability in the previous century and contests of authority in the era of the American Revolution. Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia in 1676 and Coode's Rebellion in Maryland in 1689 were watershed events, ushering in a new phase of political development. Economic and 2 In his account of early Maryland politics, David W. Jordan discusses the political implications of native-born colonist majority in Maryland. The first two decades of the eighteenth century formed a "critical period when the new elite of native-born Marylanders was firmly establishing its influence." By 1715, the Lloyds of Wye Plantation were at the "apex" of Maryland's politics {Foundations of Representative Government in Maryland, 1632-1715 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987], 157, 181). Jean B. Russo observes that the owner of Wye Plantation during the Revolutionary era managed to increase his family's wealth despite challenging economic circumstances ("A Model Planter: Edward Lloyd IV of Maryland, 1770-1796," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 49 [1992]: 62-88).

4 political opportunities for small planters narrowed as a result of a demographic shift to a native-born majority among whites and a decline in tobacco prices at the turn of the eighteenth century. After about 1720, large, slave-owning planters dominated politics and society, their power buoyed by renewed growth in the regional economy. Insecurity, however, began to set in among the planter elite after 1750. Contributing to this insecurity, according to histories of Virginia, were planter debt, evangelical religion, and popular politics. In the era of the American Revolution, elites were anxious and their authority challenged. By the early nineteenth century, their hegemony was broken.3 3 The landmark compilation of the work of the "Chesapeake school" of early American history is The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society, ed. Thad W. Tate and David L. Ammerman (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979). This collection includes essays by David W. Jordan and Carole Shammas on the "emergence" of a native-born elite at the end of the century ("Political Stability and the Emergence of a Native Elite in Maryland," 243-73; "English-Born and Creole Elites in Turn-of-the-Century Virginia," 274-96). The introduction to Lois Green Carr, Phillip Morgan, and Jean B. Russo, eds., Colonial Chesapeake Society (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988) provides a useful summary of the Chesapeake school of scholarship. Robert Cole's World: Agriculture and Society in Early Maryland (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), by Lois Green Carr, Russell R. Menard, and Lorena S. Walsh, represents the culmination of 1970s and 1980s scholarship on the social history of seventeenth-century Maryland small planters. Portraits of the great planter "golden age" can be found in Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740- 1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); and Kathleen Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996). Stories of a decline in large planters' status and power in the Chesapeake after the American Revolution reinforce the notion of a mid-eighteenth-century golden age. See, for example, Cynthia Kierner, Scandal at Bizarre: Rumor and Reputation in Jeffersonian America (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), and Emory G. Evans, A "Topping People": The Rise and Decline of Virginia's Old Political Elite, 1680-1790 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009). In her book (p. 70), Kierner acknowledges the influence of Jan Lewis's The Pursuit of Happiness: Family and Values in Jefferson's Virginia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Douglas M. Bradburn and John C. Coombs discuss the long shadow cast by colonial Chesapeake history of the 1970s and 1980s in their article, "Smoke and Mirrors: Reinterpreting the

5 This standard narrative, largely based on the experience of Virginia, pervades material culture studies as well. In the seventeenth-century Chesapeake, where life for colonists was nasty, brutish, and short, most buildings were of impermanent, post-in-the- ground, frame construction. An age of rebuilding after 1720 by the Chesapeake planter elite was the material counterpart to that group's strengthening of its social, political, and economic power in the region. Landscapes that were expressive of social hierarchy extended beyond domestic settings to churches and courthouses. Surviving mansion houses are considered potent symbols of the age, offering testimony to planters' dynastic ambitions. In the age of planter anxiety in the Revolutionary and early national periods, large planters adjusted plantation landscapes to increase supervision over laborers, and retreated with their immediate families into more private spaces within their houses. Society and Economy of Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake," Atlantic Studies, 3 (2006): 131-57. 4The 1981 article, "Impermanent Architecture in the Southern American Colonies," written by Cary Carson, Norman F. Barka, William M. Kelso, Garry Wheeler Stone, and Dell Upton, was an important synthesis of archaeological and architectural studies of the seventeenth-century Chesapeake, interpreted in light of recent social history of the period (Winterthur Portfolio, 16 [1981]: 135-96). For an update, see Willie Graham, Carter L. Hudgins, Carl R. Lounsbury, Fraser D. Neiman, and James P. Whittenburg, "Adaption and Innovation: Archaeological and Architectural Perspectives on the Seventeenth- Century Chesapeake," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 64 (2007): 451-522. There is a wide literature on a phase of rebuilding by "confident" elites in the Chesapeake after 1720, much of it dating to the breakthrough scholarship moment in Chesapeake studies in the 1970s and 1980s. A review essay by Carter L. Hudgins identified a "cultural shift" around 1740, when wealthier planters built houses and landscapes that were distinctly different from those of their poorer neighbors ("The Archaeology of Plantation Life in Eighteenth-Century Virginia," in The Archaeology of Eighteenth-Century Virginia, ed. Theodore R. Reinhart [Richmond: Archeological Society of Virginia, 1996], 47-56). Influential works that explore the relationship between performance and authority in eighteenth-century Virginia include Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Dell Upton, "White and Black Landscapes in Eighteenth-Century Virginia,"

6 The history of the Lloyd family at Wye Plantation vastly refines and complicates existing knowledge of colonial Chesapeake history. Early Maryland and Virginia had much in common, including location along the Chesapeake Bay, the production of tobacco as a staple crop, a dispersed settlement pattern, and a chronic labor shortage that contributed to the growth of slavery. On the other hand, while Virginia was ruled directly by the crown, Maryland's status as a proprietary colony, and its Catholic leadership in the seventeenth century, made the colony's history distinctly different from Virginia's. The Lloyds were a wealthy Protestant family that benefited from close ties to Catholics up to the end of the colonial period. Maryland's Catholic gentry survived a revolution against the Catholic-led proprietary government in 1689, though its political power was no longer commensurate with its wealth. Another difference between Maryland and Virginia that had important implications for the shaping of Maryland's elite was the economy. In particular, Wye Plantation's history demonstrates the importance of grain and livestock farming on a commercial scale, in addition to tobacco production, on the upper Eastern Shore since the seventeenth century. Histories of Places 2 (1985): 59-72; and Dell Upton, Holy Things and Profane: Anglican Parish Churches in Colonial Virginia (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1986). On changes to late-eighteenth-century plantation landscapes by wealthier planters, including their houses, see Dennis J. Pogue, "Mount Vernon: Transformation of an Eighteenth-Century Plantation System," in Historical Archaeology of the Chesapeake, ed. Paul A. Shackel and Barbara J. Little (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994), 101-14; Jean B. Lee, "Mount Vernon Plantation: A Model for the Republic," in Slavery at the Home of George Washington, ed. Philip J. Schwartz (Mount Vernon, Va.: Mount Vernon Ladies Association, 2001), 13—45; and Douglas W. Sanford's suggestions for research in "Landscape, Change, and Community at Stratford Hall Plantation: An Archaeological and Cultural Perspective," Quarterly Bulletin of the Archeological Society of Virginia, 54 (1999): 2-19, esp. 7-8. Clifton Coxe Ellis's Ph.D. dissertation reflects on change after the American Revolution in his study of an 1840s plantation ("Building Berry Hill: Plantation Houses and Landscapes in Antebellum Virginia," University of Virginia, 2000).

7 colonial Virginia up to the mid-eighteenth century tend to be much more focused on the raising of tobacco. The Lloyd family also used proprietary patronage as a means to wealth. Close attention to the Lloyd family history at Wye Plantation reveals a complex story of changing family strategies in response to political and economic developments in Maryland.5 The Problem of Writing Wye Plantation's Colonial History: A Discussion of the Sources Despite the fact that the Lloyds were a prominent family in colonial Maryland, there exists no extensive biographical study of the family and its relationship to the home plantation that reaches back to the seventeenth century, with the exception of Oswald Tilghman's biographical sketches of successive owners of Wye Plantation in a history of Talbot County published in 1915. Composed from the notes of his father-in-law, Samuel A. Harrison, Tilghman's sketches provide little documentation of primary sources.6 Probate records, namely inventories, administrative accounts, and wills, at the Maryland State Archives provide the most information about the Lloyd family and Wye 5 The argument of this dissertation is sympathetic with Kenneth A. Lockridge's assessment that Virginia's gentry was "always anxious" and "always reconstituting" itself in response to challenges of its authority (On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century [New York: New York University Press, 1992], 101). Those families who failed to adapt, failed to succeed. 6 Oswald Tilghman's two-volume History of Talbot County, Maryland, 1661-1861 offers a Lloyd family history up to the death of Edward VIII in 1907 (1915; reprint, Baltimore: Regional Publishing, 1967), 1:132-208. Alexandra Alevizatos Kirtley's master's thesis documents the lifestyle of the Lloyds of Wye Plantation from 1750 onward; the bulk of the information is from after the American Revolution ('"Procured of the Best and Most Fashionable Materials': The Furniture and Furnishings of the Lloyd Family, 1750-1850," University of Delaware, 1999). Kirtley published her findings in an article, "Survival of the Fittest: The Lloyd Family's Furniture Legacy," in American Furniture, 2002, ed. Luke Beckerdite (Milwaukee: Chipstone Foundation, 2002), 3-53.

8 Plantation during the first four generations of the family's occupation of the site, up to 1770. The Lloyd Papers at the Maryland Historical Society, a collection donated by a Lloyd family descendant in the mid-twentieth century, contains few personal letters from before 1830 and little information about plantation management before the 1790s. The documentary record is especially spotty for the time between the deaths of the third and fourth masters of Wye Plantation in 1719 and 1770 respectively. After this gap, the papers generated during the division of Edward Lloyd Ill's estate in 1770 provide a snapshot of the plantation at the end of his life. These papers are preserved in two collections, the Lloyd Papers at the Maryland Historical Society and the Cadwalader Collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.7 Without the benefit of archaeological evidence, information about the Lloyd family's dwelling houses and most of the furnishings in them before the construction of the extant house has to be drawn from written inventories. Fortunately, three probate inventories from 1685, 1697, and 1719 document the first Lloyd house at the site. Two privately conducted inventories from 1770 document the second-period house. Land ownership information for this project was collected from two sources: the Legislative History Project biographical files at the Maryland State Archives, and a publication based on that research, A Biographical Dictionary of the Maryland Legislature, 1635-1789} 7 Maryland State Archives, Annapolis; Lloyd Papers, MS 2001, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore; Cadwalader Collection, Series 2, MS 1454, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 8 Edward C. Papenfuse, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979-1985.

9 The best-documented political figures in Wye Plantation's colonial history are the third and fourth owners, Edward Lloyd II and Edward Lloyd III. Chapter 2 uses government records in the Archives of Maryland, published in Baltimore, and the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, published in London, to illuminate Maryland's experience of the crown's direct rule between 1690 and 1715. Edward Lloyd II, the subject of Chapter 2, served as acting governor from 1709 to 1714. Chapter 3, which covers the era of Edward Lloyd III, draws upon the published correspondence between Governor Horatio Sharpe, the sixth Lord Baltimore, and his two London secretaries, Cecilius Calvert and Hugh Hamersly, from the Archives of Maryland, plus related manuscripts in the Calvert Papers at the Maryland Historical Society. By using sources generated in Maryland and in England, this dissertation places Wye Plantation within a network of people and interest groups on both sides of the Atlantic.9 Chapter Summaries Chapter 1 begins with Edward Lloyd I (c. 1620-1696), the founder of Wye Plantation, for whom Wye was an enterprise in trade, not a home. A native of the British Isles, he resided for a time in Lower Norfolk County, Virginia, before joining a migration of Puritans to Maryland in 1649. Alienated by the efforts of Virginia's royal governor to enforce conformity to the official practices of the Church of England, Edward I and several hundred other Protestants south of the James River followed an offer of religious 9 William Hand Browne, ed., Archives of Maryland, 72 vols. (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1883-1972); Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, American and West Indies, ed. W. Noel Sainsbury et al., 44 volumes (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1860-1969); Calvert Papers, MS 1147, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore.

10 tolerance from Maryland's government. The group settled north of St. Mary's City, Maryland's first seat of government, at a site named Providence (at the current location of Annapolis). Edward I came to Maryland at a critical juncture in the province's history. The colony, which was founded in 1632, had already experienced its first rebellion. According to the colony's charter, granted by Charles I to the son and heir of George Calvert, first Baron Baltimore in the Irish peerage (1580-1632), Lord Baltimore and his heirs forever owned the land and held "absolute" authority over its government. This broad executive power allowed the Calverts to avoid the establishment of the Church of England in the colony and thereby provide religious freedom to persons who shared their Catholic faith. The first Lord Baltimore died the year that the charter was given, but his son, Cecilius Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore (1605-1675), followed his father's intention to establish Catholic leadership in the colony. He soon met with resistance, however. The high profile of Catholics as landowners and officeholders, and the "supreme" authority of the Lords Baltimore in the colony given by the charter, made the proprietary family vulnerable to charges of absolutism and other anti-papist sentiment. In 1644, a discontented mariner named Richard Ingle harnessed the energy of Protestant settlers to damage property owned by a wealthy Catholic minority.10 John D. Krugler, English and Catholic: The Lords Baltimore in the Seventeenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 124 (quote), 125-27, 180— 81, and passim; Ronald Hoffman in collaboration with Sally D. Mason, Princes of Ireland, Planters of Maryland: A Carroll Saga, 1500-1782 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 41 (quote), 42. The execution of Charles I in 1649 compounded the proprietor's problems by depriving him of critical support within the English government.

11 As a leader of the Protestant settlement at Providence in newly created Anne Arundel County, Edward I took advantage of the need of Maryland's proprietor for Protestant support of his government. In exchange for pledging his loyalty to Lord Baltimore, Edward I acquired land on the Eastern Shore, most of which he sold. In 1668, Edward I returned to London, leaving the daily management of Wye Plantation to his son, Philemon (1646-1685). Edward I remained invested in Wye Plantation and colonial trade until his death. Edward Fs story exemplifies the opportunities for immigrants to achieve upward social mobility in the mid-seventeenth-century Chesapeake. He established a viable plantation on the shores of the Chesapeake Bay, sat on a colonial governor's council, and returned home to England. Within Maryland's specific context, Edward I achieved these milestones as a Protestant supporter of Lord Baltimore's government, setting an important precedent for later generations. Chapter 1 continues with Edward I's son. Soon after Edward I returned to England, Philemon married a young, wealthy, and well-connected Catholic widow in Maryland, Henrietta Maria (Neale) Bennett (1647-1697). The marriage improved Lloyd family access to political and financial networks in the Chesapeake and beyond. Henrietta Maria was a daughter of James Neale, one of Maryland's Catholic gentlemen immigrants in the 1630s who had been lured by the proprietor's investment offer of land, rank, and freedom of Catholic worship. She also was the widow of Richard Bennett II, the son of a prominent and wealthy Virginia Puritan of the same name. The Lloyds' pragmatic domestic arrangements mirrored Catholic-Protestant political alliances in seventeenth- century Maryland. Henrietta Maria (Neale) Bennett brought to her marriage with

Full document contains 308 pages
Abstract: The history of the Lloyd family at Wye Plantation in Talbot County, Maryland, from the 1650s to the early 1770s refines and complicates the dominant historical narrative of the rise of a native-born Protestant planter elite in colonial Chesapeake scholarship. First, the Lloyds were a wealthy and politically prominent Protestant family that benefited from close ties to Catholics up to the end of the colonial period. Second, in contrast to traditional histories of the colonial Chesapeake that emphasize the raising and marketing of tobacco, Wye Plantation's history attests to the importance of grain and livestock farming on a commercial scale, in addition to tobacco production, on the upper Eastern Shore since the seventeenth century. This study examines the strategies of the Lloyd family to build their wealth and influence in Maryland in the context of the colony's political, economic, and social development. In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Lloyds forged kinship ties to Maryland's Catholic gentry, to Quakers, and to the Bennetts of Virginia and Maryland. With these connections, the plantation's trade with London and the West Indies expanded. In the mid- eighteenth century, Edward Lloyd III used his status as a trusted client within Lord Baltimore's patronage network to develop Wye Plantation as a locus of power. Upon his death in 1770, his son moved aggressively to preserve assets that would be the basis of his own independence. This dissertation uses an interdisciplinary approach to document Wye Plantation's history. Sources include probate records, government proceedings, the Lloyd Papers and the Calvert Papers at the Maryland Historical Society, the Cadwalader Collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and portraits by Charles Willson Peale. While plantation ownership remained the basis of social and political authority in the colony, each generation of the Lloyd family made use of the home plantation in context- specific ways. This thesis examines change in the uses of a Chesapeake plantation, and the meanings attached to plantation ownership, from the point of view of each generation of the Lloyd family during the colonial period.