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San Miguel Acocotla: The history and archaeology of a Central Mexican hacienda

Author: Elizabeth Terese Newman
During the early years of the twentieth century, rural Mexico exploded in agrarian revolt. This dissertation builds on existing research about the origins of that rural rebellion and offers new perspectives by presenting the results of a four-year interdisciplinary study of a Central Mexican hacienda and its descendant community in Atlixco, Puebla, Mexico. Drawing on data obtained through archaeological, ethnoarchaeological, ethnographic and ethnohistoric research, I reconstruct the history of the indigenous workers living at the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla from the 16 th century through the present day. Understanding the creation, maintenance and perpetuation of power structures is central to this research. I find that a mid-19 th century period of modernization, industrialization and globalization generated new forms of social control that threatened indigenous communities at the most intimate levels. From grandiose redesigns of the Hacienda architecture to the arrangement of kitchen space for indigenous workers, Hacienda owners instituted systems of social control that were both invasive and unprecedented in the region. Ultimately, the attempts at modernization failed. Attacks on the community and family structure of Acocotla's indigenous workers ended with the early 20 th century eruption of the Mexican Revolution. I conclude that this agrarian revolt was driven, at least in the Atlixco region, by rural indigenous farmers fighting to protect home lives that had clear roots in the pre-Hispanic world.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements vi Tables and Figures xi 1. Introduction 1 Understanding Agrarian Revolt: An Archaeological Perspective 3 Haciendas and Indians i6! -IO1 Centuries 8 Mexican Historical Archaeology and Hacienda Studies 16 The Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 19 History of Research at Acocotla and Structure of Dissertation 23 2. A Central Mexican Hacienda: History and Modern Ramifications 29 The Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla: i6J Through 20r Centuries 29 3. Crossmending: The Ethnography and Ethnoarchaeology of Domestic Space 45 La SoledadMorelos: A Portrait 49 Domestic Compounds and Use of Space 57 Discussion 85 4. San Miguel Acocotla: The Archaeology of a Central Mexican Hacienda 90 A Tour of the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 92 Excavations —Summer 2005 101 Excavations—January-March 2007 114 Discussion 128 5. Crossmending, Part Two: The Archaeology of Domestic Space 133 Acocotla's 19' Century Architecture 134 Archaeological Evidence of Use of Space in the Calpaneria 146 Discussion 175

TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTINUED 6. Small Finds: Material Aspects of Home Life at the Hacienda Acocotla 180 Domestic Artifacts 183 Architectural Materials 230 Arms and Ammunition 235 Personal Items 236 Prehistoric Items and Undated Lithics 248 Discussion 251 7. Faunal Analysis 255 Zooarchaeology at the Hacienda Acocotla: Methodology 256 General Description of Collection and Species Representation 257 Frequency Distributions of NISP 271 Taphanomic History 274 Human Modifications to Bone —Butchering and Burning 278 Utility and Meat Value 279 Discussion 285 8. Conclusions 291 Abbreviations of Archives Consulted 302 References 303

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is, I think, expected that I begin this section by stating that even though the process of writing a dissertation is a solitary experience, many people helped along the way; however, I can't quite bring myself to do so. There were some solitary hours of writing, but this dissertation has felt from beginning to end like a community project. I take full blame for the errors in the following text, while gratefully acknowledging that many of the insights found herein are the product of hours of companionship, conversation, congenial argument and, always, laughter. First and foremost, I thank my committee. From my first year in graduate school, my advisor Marcello Canuto has introduced perspectives to my work that would have otherwise escaped me, and his meticulous editing has made me a better writer. Richard Burger gave me the opportunity to think outside of Mesoameria by sharing his extensive knowledge of and love for all things Andean. Long before I was officially her responsibility, Patricia Plunket Nagoda generously ignored the paperwork on her desk and students outside her door, making time for me on the many occasions I showed up without an appointment, desperate for advice. It sounds trite to say this dissertation would have been impossible without her help, but it is no exaggeration of the truth. Beyond the official confines of my committee, the influences of Mary Miller at Yale University and Judy Zeitlin and Ann Blum at the University of Massachusetts at Boston have found their way into this dissertation. All three have been generous teachers and advisors, and all three have done much to shape the way I think about Mesoamerica. vi

One person is notably absent from this list. Harold Juli began the Acocotla project long before we'd met. I stopped in Puebla to visit him for a couple of days in June of 2004, never dreaming that I would toss aside my carefully laid plans in favor of joining his project. Harold's dedication to teaching, his intellectual generosity, his enthusiasm for the project and his palpable love of Mexico won me over immediately. I spent many happy hours working and talking with Harold and his wife, Harriet, both in Mexico and at home. Their presence and, I hope, enthusiasm, runs through this dissertation. Harold was diagnosed with cancer the week he was due to join me in Mexico for our 2006 summer field season, and he passed away eight months later. Somehow, in the week before his passing, he found the time and energy to spare a thought for this project that he loved so much, requesting that all his research materials make it into my hands for inclusion here. Even more incredibly, in the weeks and months following his death, his wife Harriet found the time and energy to go through Harold's office and make sure every potentially relevant scrap of paper made it into my hands. I have done my best to honor Harold's wishes and Harriet's work, and I hope that he would be pleased with and proud of the final product. This research would not have been possible without the support and permission a number of organizations and funders. The people of La Soledad Morelos allowed me to conduct the excavations, assisted in my work with enthusiasm, interest, and good humor and welcomed me into their town and homes. The National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH), Mexico gave permission for the archaeological excavations. Archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnoarchaeological investigations were made possible vii

through the generous support of: The Reed Foundation, New York; The Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. (FAMSI); The Agrarian Studies Program, Yale University; The MacMillin Center, Yale University; The John F. Enders Fund, Yale University; The Augusta Hazard Fund, Department of Anthropology, Yale University; The Josef Albers Traveling Fellowship, Department of Anthropology, Yale University; and two anonymous donors. In Mexico, faculty and students at the University of the Americas, Puebla, played a central role in the development and completion of this project. Dr. Patricia Plunkett Nagoda and Dr. Gabriela Urunuela Ladron De Guevara provided technical support and oft-consulted, sage advice. Maria Teresa Salomon Salazar provided support and assistance in the lab. Timothy Knab shared his books and knowledge of Puebla's ethnographic literature. Students from the University of the Americas, Puebla assisted in both the field and the lab with enthusiasm and goodwill. MaryCarmen Romano spent years working in the field and archives, collecting oral histories and researching the documentary history of the Hacienda. Su Lin Casanova of the National School of Anthropology and History, Mexico, assisted during the 2007 field season and was responsible for project photography. Special thanks go to Karime Castillo Cardenas who continues to be involved in all aspects of the project research. This dissertation would have taken many more years to write without Karime's invaluable assistance, and her enthusiasm continues to bolster mine. Last but not least, Zee Green taught me how to live in Mexico, finding me everything from a house to a dog (or three), keeping me viii

company, editing my drafts and generally going above and beyond what one normally expects of a neighbor. In and out of the classroom, the cohort of Yale Latin Americanists I joined in Anthropology and Art History provided both stimulating conversation and relief from stress. Heather Hurst, Lenny Ashby, Matthew Robb, Jenifer Josten, Prajna Desai, James Terry and Claudia Brittenham shared many an idea and meal both in New Haven and abroad. Special thanks go to Karina Yager and Catherine Timura. In addition to being the best of friends and colleagues, both shared an apartment with me in New Haven (for which they should probably receive combat pay). I would not have survived qualifying exams without Karina's companionship, and Cathy's insightful comments and rigorous intellect have made me a better anthropologist. My social network has extended far beyond the walls of Yale and academia. Trina Waldron read and commented on four drafts of this dissertation (as well as everything else I wrote), provided me with a quiet place to finish my final rewrites and kept the scrabble board and a bottle of wine ready for the occasional and much needed break. Mac Griswold offered assistance when it was least expected and most needed. Katherine Lee Priddy commented on the artifact analysis and kept the "comfy bed" in her guestroom ready for me whenever I passed through town. Through it all, Lew Stevens made sure I never lost my sense of humor. Finally thanks go to my family, who taught me to pursue my passions above all else. IX

In memory of Harold D. Juli, Ph.D, RPA archaeologist, teacher, mentor and friend and to his ivife, Harriet who saw this through x

TABLES AND FIGURES Figure 1.1: Timeline of Major National/International Events, 19' Century, Mexico 13 Figure 1.2: Agricultural Fields and Popocatepetl Volcano, Valley of Atlixco, February 2005 20 Figure 1.3: Map of Central Mexico Showing Location of San Miguel Acocotla 21 Figure 1.4: Calpanaria Room, Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 23 Table 2.1: Owners of the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 34 Figure 2.1: Map of San Jeronimo Coyula, 1752 39 Figure 3.1: Dr. Harold Juli on the Main Street of La Soledad Morelos, June 2004 50 Figure 3.2: Medical Clinic, La Soledad Morelos 51 Figure 3.3: Catholic Church, La Soledad Morelos 53 Figure 3.4: Map of La Soledad Morelos showing Architectural Styles and Land Use 56 Figure 3.5: Temescal in Traditional House Compound, La Soledad Morelos 58 Figure 3.6: Traditional House Compound Layouts, La Soledad Morelos 59 Figure 3.7: Traditional Architecture, La Soledad Morelos 61 Figures 3.8-3.12: Domestic Compounds, La Soledad Morelos 64-68 Figure 4.1: The Hacienda Acocotla, Beginning of the 20' Century 91 Figure 4.2: First Glimpse of Acocotla and Chapel 93 Figure 4.3: Acocotla, Main Entrance andEntrace to Livestock Patio 94 Figure 4.4: Patio de Los Chivos and Patio Abierto 96 Figure 4.5: Entrance to the Patio del Limon 98 Figure 4.6: Decorative Elements in the Patio del Limon 99 Figure 4.7: Calpaneria, Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 100 xi

TABLES AND FIGURES CONTINUED Figure 4.8: Reconstruction of Calpaneria Room, San Miguel Acocotla 102 Figure 4.9: Room 17; East Wall 104 Figure 4.10: Room 17; North Wall 104 Figure 4.11: Room 17; South Wall 105 Figure 4.12: Room 17; Plan 105 Figure 4.13: Room 17; Isometric Reconstruction 106 Figure 4.14: Transects and Concentrations; Season 2005 107 Figure 4.15: Initial Test Units; Season 2005 109 Figure 4.16: Test Unit Four; South Profile 111 Figure 4.17: Excavation Units —2007 Season 114 Figure 4.18: Unit A; Feature 1 (photograph) „ 116 Figure 4.19: Unit A; Feature 1 (drawing) 117 Figure 4.20: Room 20; Plan Map 119 Figure 4.21: Room 21; Roof Collapse and Prepared Floor Surface Below 120 Figure 4.22: Room 21; West Wall Profile 120 Figure 4.23: Room 20; Stone Floor 122 Figure 4.24: Room 20; Stone Floor and Roof Collapse 122 Figure 4.25: Room 18; Plaster Floor 123 Figure 4.26: Midden Excavations 125 Figure 4.27: Midden Unit; Plaster Floor and Rubble Collapse 126 Figure 4.28: Midden Unit; Brick Patio/Floor 127 Figure 5.1: The Hacienda Acocotla, Beginning of the 201 Century 141 Figure 5.2: Justified Access Diagram of the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla 142 xii

TABLES AND FIGURES CONTINUED Table 5.1: Domestic Space Per Person, Hacienda Acocotla 150 Figure 5.3-5.7: Distribution of Artifacts Recovered From Transect Survey Figure 5.3: Total Artifacts and Architectural Materials 155 Figure 5.4: Black Glazed Wares andCazuelas 156 Figure 5.5: Comales and Majolica 157 Figure 5.6: Mano/Pestles and Ollas 158 Figure 5.7: "Thin Orange" 159 Figure 5.8-5.11: Density of Artifacts Recovered from Lower and Upper Floors of Structure 21 Figure 5.8: Architectural Materials, Black Glazed Redwares and Ceramic Cookware 165 Figure 5.9: Ceramic Tablewares, Faunal Remains and Glass 166 Figure 5.10: Glazed Ceramics, Lithics and Majolica 167 Figure 5.11: Personal Items, Unglazed Ceramics and Recovered Artifacts 168 Figure 5.12: Kitchen Area Excavated in Test Units 3, 6 and 8 172 Figure 6.1: Percentages of Artifacts by Context, Winter 2007 182 Figure 6.2: Percentage ofVessel Types at Acocotla 185 Figure 6.3: Vessel Forms: Bowls, Braziers, and Brimmed Platos 187 Figure 6.4: Vessel Forms: Cajete and Candlesticks 189 Figure 6.5: Vessel Forms: Ollas 190 Figure 6.6: Vessel Forms: Comal, Incense Burner and Lebrillo 192 Figure 6.7: Vessel Forms: Ollas and Jars 195 Figure 6.8: Vessel Forms: Tazon/Taza 197 Table 6.1: Unglazed Earthenwares 198 xiii

TABLES AND FIGURES CONTINUED Figure 6.9: Polished Redware Bowl and Smooth Redware Candlesticks 200 Table 6.2: Prehistoric Ceramics 202 Figure 6.10: "Thin Orange" Vessel 204 Table 6.3: Glazed Earthenwares 205 Figure 6.11: Stamped, Lead Glazed Redwares 208 Figure 6.12: Black Glazed Redware Candlestick 210 Figure 6.13: Day of the Dead, San Jeronimo Coyula 211 Table 6.4: Majolica 212 Figure 6.14: Tazon/Taza—19' Century Majolica 214 Figure 6.15 a-d: 19' Century Majolica Patterns 216-219 Figure 6.16: Puebla Polychrome 222 Figure 6.17: Knife Handle 227 Figure 6.18: Bottles 229 Table 6.5: Nail Types and Dates 233 Figure 6.19: Personal Items — Spindle Whorl and Thimble 237 Figure 6.20: Personal Items — Button and Cuff Link 238 Figure 6.21: Personal Items —Glass Beads 240 Figure 6.22: Earrings 241 Figure 6.23: Personal Items —Crosses 244 Figure 6.24: Personal Items —Figa 245 Figure 6.25: Personal Items —Toys 247 Figure 6.26: Preclassic Earspool 249 Figure 6.27: Chert Biface 249 xiv

TABLES AND FIGURES CONTINUED Table 7.1: NISP and MNI of Mammals 259 Table 7.2: NISP and MNI of Birds 260 Table 7.3: NISP and MNI of Reptiles 261 Figure 7.1: Mammal NISP versus MNI Counts by Percent of Class 263 Figure 7.2: Bird NISP and MNI Counts by Percentage of Class 264 Table 7.4: Mammal Weights and Biomass 265 Figure 7.3: Mammal NISP versus Weight 266 Table 7.5: Bird Weight and Biomass 268 Figure 7.4: Bird NISP versus Weight 268 Table 7.6: Fish Weight and Biomass 269 Table 7.7: Reptile Weight 269 Table 7.8: Unidentified Vertebrate Weight 269 Figure 7.5: Distribution of Identified Specimens by Excavation Unit 271 Figure 7.6: Faunal Remains and Artifacts per Square Meter, Midden 273 Figure 7.7: Distribution of Identified Specimens by Level 274 Figure 7.8: Weathered Bones by Unit 275 Figure 7.9: Midden Weathering by Level 276 Figure 7.10: Other Units, Weathered Bones by Level 276 Figure 7.11: Expected and Actual Utility Percentages 283 xv

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Stifling a groan, the general climbed stiffly off his horse. He would be 40 in another year, too old for the strenuous life of a soldier at war. Not that he was prepared to admit it to anybody but himself. General Fortino Ayaquica looked around as his men, following his lead, dismounted. Some of them were already glancing about with an appraising eye, looking for whatever each thought he needed most: food, valuables, women He sharply ordered them to refrain from plundering, reminding them that that sort of behavior would not be acceptable today. He ignored the grumbling behind him as he turned back to look at the hacienda. He knew the men counted on the plunder to survive, but today's meeting was important. They couldn't afford any disruptions or distractions. Clearly, nobody had told the hacienda'speones about today's conference. He had watched them flee for the safety ofAcocotla's walls as he and his soldiers had approached. They had abandoned their belongings, leaving everything unguarded in the field fronting the calpaneria. They were worried more about their personal safety than that of their possessions. Given the way things had been going in the Valley ofAtlixco lately, it was understandable. The general looked around at the living space. He guessed that it was probably occupied by 35 or 40 families. He stood, clenching his jaw and fighting the anger he always felt when he observed the conditions in which these rural people were forced to live. He had spent his childhood in nearby Tochimilco, and it was haciendas such as this one he had been thinking of when he had 1

signed the amended Plan de Ayala three years earlier. He had chosen this meeting spot intentionally, convinced that Colonel Reyes couldn't possibly remain a Constitutionalist in such surroundings. Reyes would walk through this field, this so-called living space, passing between the rooms of the calpaneria to enter the hacienda, and he would understand the position held by the Zapatistas. Fortino Ayaquica was convinced it was impossible to remain unmoved in the face of the poverty, hunger and suffering seen in this field in front of the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla. The general turned as he heard the approaching horses, interrupting his thoughts.... The preceding is the product of imagination based in fact. At ten in the morning on April 17", 1917, the Zapatista General Fortino Ayaquica of Atlixco met with the Constitutionalist Colonel Eduardo Reyes at the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla. According to an exchange of letters between the two, each man brought two officers, one assistant and ten soldiers with him, though the Zapatistas had hidden over four hundred men in a nearby gully. Each met in hopes of convincing the other to switch sides through both discussion and manipulation, believing that such a switch would bring peace to the Valley of Atlixco (AGN, Emiliano Zapata, Caja 13, Exp. 11, Ps. 9-10. Comunicados 11-16 de abril de 1917; AGN, Emiliano Zapata, Caja 13, Exp. 12, Ps. 10-13. Informe del 17 de abril de 1917). Both were unsuccessful in their mission, but the effort is understandable. By April of 1917, Mexico had endured six and a half years of revolution. Soldiers in the employ of competing factions roamed the countryside, battling each other and laying waste to villages and farmland. The people were exhausted, frightened and hungry. What had brought about this lengthy period of unrest? What had driven peasant farmers to seek redress through rebellion after centuries of repression? There are many 2

theories, some of which are the subject of this dissertation. Emiliano Zapata, for whom General Fortino Ayaquica worked, had been fighting for land reform in the name of agricultural workers since 1910. His program was driven in large part by the desire to improve the conditions of rural agricultural workers living on and working for haciendas, individuals just like those who are the subject of this dissertation. Zapata, born and raised just 50 kilometers from the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla, had an intimate understanding of the daily living conditions of peones in Central Mexico. It was this understanding that drove him to rise in agrarian rebellion in 1910, and it was reality that drove thousands to follow. It is an understanding and a reality that I explore here. UNDERSTANDING AGRARIAN REVOLT: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE For years, historians have struggled to explain the origins of the Mexican Revolution, questioning its timing nearly 400 years after the Spanish conquest and the initial imposition of the agrarian practices that are commonly understood to have led to the uprising (Tutino 1986:3-11). In his From Insturrection to Revolution in Mexico: Social Bases of Agrarian Violence 1750-1940, John Tutino argues that the missing factor in existing attempts to understand the origins of the Mexican Revolution is a complete understanding of agrarian life at the most basic, daily, personal level (1986). Historical archaeology is perfectly poised to offer the missing information. This dissertation takes Tutino's argument as a starting point and presents a more complete picture of daily life among a single population of hacienda workers in Central Mexico, illuminating some of the conditions that led to massive rebellion in the early years of the 20' century. 3

To understand the origins of the Mexican Revolution, we need to understand the origins of agrarian revolt. The literature dealing with the origins and reasons for peasant revolt is extensive, and much of it lies beyond the scope of this dissertation; however, in the following section, I touch on a few of the concepts most useful for understanding the data in the coming chapters (for an exhaustive discussion of the literature dealing with peasant rebellion and the Mexican Revolution, see Joseph 1990). The theories of social rebellion and radicalism developed by Eric Wolf, Anthony Giddens and James Scott implicitly underlie my interpretations of the dissertation data. Eric Wolf examined the origins of peasant resistance in Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (1999). In his study, Wolf compares peasant rebellions in Mexico, Russia, China, Vietnam, Algeria and Cuba, finding a common thread among them: the introduction of capitalism. Wolf argues that the alienation brought about by capitalist systems is not limited to the alienation of labor (following Marx), but in fact extends to the alienation of complete agrarian social systems. This, he concludes, results in violent and radicalized uprisings as peasants find their long-established modes of production and conventional lifeways threatened. While not exploring the origins of revolt, Anthony Giddens' 1973 study The Class Structure of Advanced Societies shares characteristics with Wolfs thesis. In his study of class structure and radicalism in France, Giddens finds that the conflict between feudal and/or post-feudal economic systems and capitalism results in a radicalization of the lower classes. He writes, "Socialist ideas are originally born, not out of the growth and maturity of capitalism itself, but out of the clash between capitalism and (post) feudalism... Revolutionary socialism (and anarchism), having in part its roots in rural 4

radicalism, will be a more or less chronic characteristic of a society like France, which manifests 'uneven' development, since such a society has a long history of unresolved confrontation of'progressive' capitalism and 'retroactive' semi-feudal agrarianism within a single overall national structure" (Giddens 1973:213). Though Giddens is writing about France, his analysis is equally applicable to late 19' century Mexico. During this period, the long-established, "semi-feudal agrarian" structures of Mexico were being challenged by the introduction of modernization and capitalism. This interpretation is further supported by the work of English historian E.P. Thompson, who finds that the most militant responses to the pressures of capitalism come from those whose production is least associated with the capitalist market (1968). Finally, James Scott's Moral Economy of the Peasant is perhaps the most famous thesis on the subject (1976) and suggests the root of the conflict identified by Giddens. Scott's anthropological study of peasants and violent resistance movements in Southeast Asia finds a direct link between basic subsistence levels and rebellion. Scott posits that peasant farmers believe they have an inalienable, "moral" right to basic subsistence. Investigating the origins of rural insurrections, Scott finds that peasants in Southeast Asia will opt for financial scenarios that provide them with the most stability, and when this stability fails and basic subsistence levels are threatened, peasants react violently. He finds the origins of these patterns of rebellion in the imposition of colonial rule by British and French forces and the accompanying commercialization of the economy. These three paradigms share a couple of points which are important to our understanding of the social processes at work at the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla. Agrarian insurrections may be linked to both the introduction of capitalism and threats to 5

the structures of daily life, whether the perceived attack is directed at subsistence levels or at social structures. The data in this case study suggest that the protection of home life is of fundamental importance to people, akin to a "moral right," and that threats to domestic structure are the trigger that cause people to rise up in violent protest. Archaeological and historical data indicate that the organization of the 19' century workers' quarters at the Hacienda Acocotla dismantled family, domestic and community structures, a process that, ultimately, was violently rejected by its inhabitants. Ethnographic data from the modern descendant community contribute to this discussion in two ways. First, once the constraints instituted by the hacienda management were removed, people returned to structuring their home lives in the way they had been structured for hundreds of years. Second, that while the economic situation of the modern community appears to be no better, and is perhaps worse, than it was under the hacienda system, people are willing to accept poor economic conditions as long as they remain in control of their home lives. By its very definition, daily life is mundane. How does one connect it, then, to grand historical processes? In Capitalism and Material Life, Ferdinand Braudel likens material (daily) life to the first floor of a three-story house (1974). Material life supports the two upper stories, economic life and capitalism, while remaining largely unexamined. Braudel writes, "material life is often hard to see for lack of adequate historical documents," but, he argues, as the foundation for economic and capitalist processes, it acts to structure larger historical and economic events over the long-term (1974:23-24). As such, Braudel defined the practices of domestic life as one of the central facets of the "longue duree," or aspects of life that change at painstakingly slow speeds and provide the 6

undercurrent to brief periods of rapid change represented by historical events (Braudel 1980:25-54). In 19' century Mexico, the introduction of capitalist systems was accompanied by an attack on structures of everyday life that had been maintained for hundreds of years, even in the face of war and massive population loss resulting from the Spanish conquest. Social meanings linked to the structures of everyday life are manifested in the material world through habitus, an inculcated system that functions as "principles which generate and organize practices and representations" (Bourdieu 1990:53). Habitus may be understood as a system of social habits. These habits are socially-learned behaviors instilled in members of a society from a young age which dictate such routine actions as the way one greets ones neighbor or the utensils one uses to eat a meal. For Bourdieu, structures of everyday life are generated and reproduced through habitus, and these structures, in turn, generate and reproduce habitus (1977:85). These habits may be argued to carry material correlates, such as in Bourdieu's analysis of The Berber House, in which Bourdieu shows how "the Berber's habitus produces and is produced by the structure of the Berber House" (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1993:39). As mentioned earlier, Braudel suggests that the structures of everyday life may be difficult to study due to the lack of historical documentation. Bourdieu's habitus allows us to link Braudel's structures to the archaeological and ethnographic records. Because habitus dictated (and dictates) the material world, which, in turn, acts to reproduce a specific habitus in a new generation, material culture and architectural remains may be understood as the physical manifestations of the structures of everyday life. Historical archaeology deals largely with material culture at the individual level but within the 7

structure of an ever-increasingly globalized economy, and so it is perfectly positioned to explore the effects of modernization and capitalism on daily life (Fournier-Garcia 1997; 2003; Fournier and Miranda-Flores 1992; Johnson 1996; Leone 1988, 1995; Mrozowski 1998; Mullins 1996; Orser 1988; Paynter 1988). The methods of historical archaeology and architectural analyses used in this dissertation were chosen specifically to address the question of the role of material life in larger historical processes by illuminating the affects that capitalist systems and modernization have on daily life and social structure at the most basic material levels. As discussed briefly in the introduction, the Central Mexican agrarian revolt that led, in part, to the development of the Mexican Revolution was driven largely by rural workers and those seeking reform and redress for the conditions they experienced living at and working for haciendas. These conditions, then, must be understood at the most intimate levels in order to understand the forces driving workers to rise and rebel. As such, this dissertation examines the effects of global processes of change on one group of workers living at a Central Mexican hacienda, and the ways in which these workers have responded, over the long-term, to external attacks on their home lives. HACIENDAS AND INDIANS: i6TH-20™ CENTURIES The hacienda is well known through historical literature and cultural stereotypes associated with wealthy landowners and their extensive properties found throughout Latin America from the i6r through 20' centuries. Commonly considered large estates, haciendas were "operated by a dominant landowner and a dependent labor force, organized to supply a small-scale market by means of scarce capital accumulation but also 8

to support the status aspirations of the owner" (Wolf and Mintz 1957). Some haciendas were enormous landholding fiefdoms whose structure and labor force paralleled New World plantations, while others were relatively small. This size variation seems to be inversely related to the productivity of the land (places with higher quality land had smaller haciendas and vice versa) (Van Young 1983:15) The famously fertile Valley of Atlixco, the regional setting of this dissertation, qualified as one of the former regions. The haciendas in this particular valley were relatively small and had diverse economies dependent on the nearby markets of Puebla and Mexico City. The Mexican hacienda has long been a focus of historical research, leaving no doubt as to the importance of the institution in Mexican history, economy and society (e.g. Brading 1978; Brannon and Joseph 1991; Chance 2003; Chevalier 1963; Gonzalez Sanchez 1997; Herrera Feria 1990; Jarquin, et al. 1990; Morner 1973; Nickel 1987,1988; Taylor 1972; Van Young 1983, 2006; Wasserman 2000; Wobeser 1989). As much of this research has shown, the hacienda was more than simply a large agricultural estate. With the establishment of each new hacienda came a social and physical reordering of an ancient landscape. The hacienda system brought European conquerors and indigenous conquered into daily contact and provided a locus for the generation and institutionalization of new class, ethnic and racial identities. Some historians have even characterized the hacienda as "the chief engine of Indian acculturation" (Knight 2002:96- 97), though the data in this dissertation suggest that the process of acculturation identified by Knight was neither as complete nor successful as might be assumed from this quote. 9

Full document contains 337 pages
Abstract: During the early years of the twentieth century, rural Mexico exploded in agrarian revolt. This dissertation builds on existing research about the origins of that rural rebellion and offers new perspectives by presenting the results of a four-year interdisciplinary study of a Central Mexican hacienda and its descendant community in Atlixco, Puebla, Mexico. Drawing on data obtained through archaeological, ethnoarchaeological, ethnographic and ethnohistoric research, I reconstruct the history of the indigenous workers living at the Hacienda San Miguel Acocotla from the 16 th century through the present day. Understanding the creation, maintenance and perpetuation of power structures is central to this research. I find that a mid-19 th century period of modernization, industrialization and globalization generated new forms of social control that threatened indigenous communities at the most intimate levels. From grandiose redesigns of the Hacienda architecture to the arrangement of kitchen space for indigenous workers, Hacienda owners instituted systems of social control that were both invasive and unprecedented in the region. Ultimately, the attempts at modernization failed. Attacks on the community and family structure of Acocotla's indigenous workers ended with the early 20 th century eruption of the Mexican Revolution. I conclude that this agrarian revolt was driven, at least in the Atlixco region, by rural indigenous farmers fighting to protect home lives that had clear roots in the pre-Hispanic world.