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Pride: A license to indulge and a cue for greater self-control

ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 2009
Dissertation
Author: Keith Wilcox
Abstract:
Emotions play an important role in the pursuit of goals. Because previous research on emotions has focused primarily on the effect of happiness (versus sadness) on indulgent consumption, we know little about how other positive emotions, such as pride, affect behavior. This dissertation introduces a theoretical model to explain how the experience of pride affects the pursuit of long-term goals and consumers' preference for indulgent products that undermine such pursuits. In four studies, I demonstrate that when consumers are consciously monitoring their behavior, pride serves as a source of information that reduces their long-term goal pursuit and, in turn, increases their preference for indulgent products. When consumers are unable to monitor their behavior or when the experience of pride is discredited as a source of information, pride reduces their preference for indulgent alternatives by cuing the pursuit of long-term goals.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ..........................................................................................................................1 The Influence of Emotions on Goal Pursuit and Indulgent Consumption ...........................5 The Concept of Pride ...........................................................................................................9 A Model of Pride and Indulgence ......................................................................................12 Self Regulation and Indulgence .....................................................................................12 Pride as Information .......................................................................................................13 Pride as a Behavioral Cue ..............................................................................................16 Demonstrating the Dual Pathways .....................................................................................20 Pride and Cognitive Resources ......................................................................................20 Discrediting the Experience of Pride .............................................................................22 Study 1: The Influence of Pride on Health Decisions ........................................................25 Method ...........................................................................................................................25 Results ............................................................................................................................28 Discussion ......................................................................................................................30 Study 2: The Effect of Pride Versus Happiness on Money Decisions ..............................32 Method ...........................................................................................................................32 Results ............................................................................................................................35 Discussion ......................................................................................................................37 Study 3: Pride and Source Salience ...................................................................................39 Method ...........................................................................................................................40 Results ............................................................................................................................42 Discussion ......................................................................................................................44 Study 4: Pride and Domain Relevance ..............................................................................47 Method ...........................................................................................................................47 Results ............................................................................................................................49 Discussion ......................................................................................................................52 General Discussion ............................................................................................................53 Implications ....................................................................................................................53 Limitations and Future Research ...................................................................................57 Appendix A ........................................................................................................................60 Appendix B ........................................................................................................................61 References ..........................................................................................................................62

viii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: A Model of Pride and Indulgent Consumption ..................................................19

Figure 2: The Interactive Effect of Pride and Cognitive Resources on Indulgent Food Choices (Study 1) ...............................................................................................................30

Figure 3: The Interactive Effect of Pride, Happiness and Cognitive Resources on Indulgent Money Choices (Study 2) ..................................................................................37

Figure 4: The Interactive Effect of Pride and Source Salience on Indulgent Money Choices (Study 3) ...............................................................................................................43

Figure 5: The Effect of Pride and Monitored Goal Relevance on Indulgent Choice (Study 4).............................................................................................................................51

1 INTRODUCTION

Despite their best intentions, consumers often give in to temptation. They may want to live a good life, yet choose to eat fattening foods, spend on luxuries instead of saving money, and, more generally, select vices over virtues. In 2005, the personal savings rate in the United States was negative for the first time in modern history (Taylor, Funk and Clark 2007). Ironically, this occurred despite the fact that 77% of Americans indicated that they considered themselves to be the type of person that saves money (Taylor et al. 2007). Similarly, purchases of unhealthy items on menus has led to a recent surge in sales at fast food chains (Case 2006), and expanding waistlines, while 72% of consumers indicate that they are trying to eat healthier at restaurants (Warner 2006). Although there are numerous factors underlying these paradoxical findings, it is apparent that even though consumers want to make good decisions, they often fail and make indulgent choices that undermine their long-term goals. Research suggests that emotions play an important role in the pursuit of goals (Carver and Scheier 1998; Higgins, Shah and Friedman 1997). People experience positive emotions in response to goal attainment and experience negative emotions in response to goal failure. Thus, consumers experience positive emotions when they make decisions that are consistent with their goals and negative emotions when they make choices that undermine their goals. More recently, studies have found that the experience of an emotion, even one that is incidental to a decision, has motivational properties that can affect consumers’ preference for indulgence (Garg, Wansink and

2 Inman 2007). However, much of this research has focused on the effect of incidental happiness (versus sadness) on consumption (Andrade 2005; Garg et al. 2007). Thus, we know very little about how other incidental positive emotions, such as pride, affect consumers’ goal pursuit. This lack of research is even more surprising given the relationship between pride and goal achievement. Pride is a positive emotion that is typically experienced after important achievements, both everyday and life changing (Tracy and Robins 2007). Children experience pride when they do well at new tasks; adults feel pride when they get a good performance review at work; consumers feel pride when they buy their first home. Despite the prevalence of pride in daily life, however, little is known about its effect on behavior. Thus, the objective of this dissertation is to examine how pride affects consumers’ long-term goal pursuit by examining how its experience affects consumer decisions when they are given a choice between a product that is consistent with a long-term goal and an indulgent option that would undermine the goal. In four studies, across two important domains (health and money), I demonstrate that pride affects consumer decision-making through dual pathways with different outcomes in terms of their preference for indulgent options that undermine long-term goal pursuit. When individuals are monitoring their behavior, pride serves as a source of information that licenses indulgence through a conscious process. However, when individuals are not monitoring their behavior or its experience is no longer perceived to be diagnostic, pride reduces preference for indulgent alternatives through an automatic process. Additionally, I show that the effects are unique to the experience of pride and that other positive emotions do not have a similar effect.

3 In Study 1, individuals were given a choice between two food options where one was consistent with a healthy goal and one was an indulgent alternative that would undermine the goal. I find that the experience of pride reduces preference for the indulgent alternative when respondents are unable to monitor their behavior following an ego depletion task. However, when they are able to monitor their behavior, pride increases preference for the indulgent alternative. In study 2, I replicate the results of the first study in a different domain (money) using a short-term memory load task to impair respondents ability to monitor their behavior. Additionally, I rule out valence as an alternative explanation for the results by demonstrating that happiness does not have a similar effect on indulgent choice. In study 3, I demonstrate that pride serves as a source of information by having individuals discount the informational value of pride on their decision. I find that when the source of pride is made salient, and its experience is discredited, pride reduces preference for an indulgent option. However, when the experience is not discredited pride increases preference for the indulgent alternative. Finally, in study 4, I rule out a general increase in reward-seeking behavior as an alternative explanation for the conscious effect of pride by separating the goal monitoring process from the choice task. Specifically, I demonstrate that when individuals monitor their behavior relative to a long-term goal prior to a decision, pride increases subsequent preference for indulgent options in domains that are related to the monitored goal, but decreases preference for indulgent alternatives in domains that are unrelated to the goal.

4 This research makes an important contribution to the literature on the motivational properties of emotions by: a) identifying the process through which pride affects long-term goal pursuit; and b) demonstrating the effect of its experience on consumer preference. My findings also contribute to the decision-making literature, which has focused primarily on discrete negative emotions (e.g., Raghunathan, Pham and Corfman 2006), by demonstrating that distinct positive emotions (pride versus happiness) can have unique effects on consumer choice. Finally, this research integrates inconsistent findings in the self-control literature (Eyal and Fishbach 2009; Giner-Sorolla 2001) by demonstrating that the dual nature of the experience of pride can have both a conscious and nonconscious influence on long-term goal pursuit. Because self-control may constrain consumption in a number of different categories such as luxury products and snack food, this dissertation suggests that managers of such products should consider integrating pride appeals into there marketing communications. Next, I review the literature that examines the effect of emotions on goal pursuit and indulgent consumption. I then introduce a model for understanding how pride influences consumers’ long-term goal pursuit and preference for indulgent products. Then, I summarize the findings of the four studies that demonstrate the model and offer insight into its underlying processes. Finally, I end with a discussion of the theoretical and managerial implications of this dissertation.

5 THE INFLUENCE OF EMOTIONS ON GOAL PURSUIT AND INDULGENT CONSUMPTION

The goal literature suggests that emotions may play an important role in the pursuit of goals (Carver and Scheier 1998; Higgins et al. 1997). People experience positive emotions in response to goal attainment and negative emotions in response to goal failure. Thus, consumers experience positive emotions when they make decisions that are consistent with their goals and negative emotions when they make choices that undermine their goals. For example, when consumers engage in indulgent consumption, they often feel both positive emotions from short-term goal attainment and negative emotions from acting inconsistently with their long-term objectives (Ramanathan and Williams 2007). More recently, Fishbach and Labroo (2007) demonstrated that emotions, even ones that are incidental to a task, have motivational properties that can affect goal pursuit. Specifically, they suggest that because positive emotions signal approach and negative emotions signal avoidance (Cacioppo, Gardner and Berntson 1999; Higgins 1997; Larsen, McGraw and Cacioppo, 2001), positive affect promotes a tendency to adopt goals, whereas negative emotions lead to the rejection of goals. Thus, people in happy moods, compared to those in sad moods, donate more money to charity when self-improvement goals are accessible and they exhibit greater physical endurance when health goals are accessible. These findings also are consistent with recent research suggesting that positive emotions can increase a person’s effort toward a focal goal and negative emotions can decrease someone’s effort toward a goal (Louro, Pieters and Zeelenberg 2007).

6 Incidental emotions also have been shown to affect consumers’ preference for indulgent products. For example, Andrade (2005) demonstrated that incidental emotions may influence indulgent consumption through either an affect evaluation process or an affect regulation process. Affect evaluation theories suggest that people’s current affective state motivates them to act in an affect congruent manner (Bower 1981; Isen et al. 1978; Forgas 1995). Positive affect leads to more favorable evaluations of the environment, which promotes action. In contrast, negative affect leads to less favorable evaluations of the environment, which impedes action. Consequently, when consumers experience positive affect they are more likely to consume more positively affective-laden products (i.e., indulgences) compared to when they experience negative affect (Andrade 2005). However, when consumers believe that their behavior may have mood-changing properties, affect regulation motivates them to engage in behavior that will either protect or repair their mood (Clark and Isen 1982; Zillmann 1988). Consequently, consumers in sad moods are more likely to attempt to repair their moods through indulgent consumption in the presence of a mood lifting cue. In contrast, consumers in happy moods are more likely to avoid indulgent consumption in the presence of a mood threatening cue, because such behavior may make them regret their consumption later (Garg et al. 2007). Recently, research on emotions has moved away from the valence approach in order to examine how discrete emotions influence consumer behavior (Lerner and Keltner 2000; 2001; Raghunathan and Pham 1999). This research has found that distinct emotions of the same valence can differentially affect how consumers

7 respond to advertisements (Agrawal, Menon and Aaker 2007), their ability to make difficult product tradeoffs (Garg, Inman, and Mittal 2005), which coping strategies they use to deal with stressful events (Yi and Baumgartner 2004), and their assessment of risk and value (Han, Lerner and Keltner 2008). This approach argues that discrete emotions are associated with specific appraisals that have different effects on judgment. For example, Raghunathan and Pham (1999) found that people who experience anxiousness prefer low-risk/low-reward options and that sad individuals prefer high-risk/high-reward options. They argue that sad individuals tend to infer that they have lost something of value, which activates a goal of reward- seeking that shifts preference toward high-reward options. In contrast, anxious individuals tend to appraise the situation as uncertain, which activates a goal of risk- avoidance that shifts preferences toward low-risk options. Raghunathan and colleagues (2006) replicated the findings from this earlier research and demonstrated that the effects are driven by an affect-as-information process. According to the affect-as-information model, individuals often are unable to distinguish between the different sources of affect they are experiencing while evaluating products. Consequently, they frequently misattribute their current emotional state, even if it is incidental to the task, with their judgment (Schwarz and Clore 1983, 1996). However, the use of affect as a source of information in judgment only occurs when it is perceived as diagnostic for the target evaluation. Thus, it ceases to be informative when it is discredited as a source of information. Consequently, the effects of anxiety and sadness on risk-reward preference in Raghunathan and colleagues’ (2006) studies

8 were mitigated when their experience was discredited as a source of information for judgment. Together, these findings suggest that emotions may play a central role in goal pursuit and their experience can have a significant influence on indulgent consumption; however a number of issues remain to be explored. Although it is clear that consumers’ incidental mood can affect goal pursuit, less is known about how specific emotions influence goal pursuit and their preference for indulgent products. Additionally, while much attention has been devoted to the influence of discrete negative emotions on consumer judgment, researchers have not explored the effect of positive emotions, with the exception of happiness, on consumer decision-making. Finally, if emotions serve as a source of goal-related information, it is possible that specific emotions, such as pride, may contain unique sources of information that make them more informative for the pursuit of long-term goals. Next, I discuss the concept of pride before introducing a model that explains how it influences long-term goal pursuit and indulgent consumption.

9 THE CONCEPT OF PRIDE

Broadly, the emotion literature classifies emotions into two general classes of emotions: self-conscious emotions and basic emotions (e.g., Beer and Keltner 2004; Tangney and Fischer 1995; Tracy and Robins 2004). According to this research, self- conscious emotions (e.g., guilt, shame, embarrassment and pride) represent a special class of emotions because they are cognition-dependent emotions that involve high- level self-appraisals and require self-evaluative processes (Tracy and Robins 2004). In contrast, basic emotions (e.g., fear, anger, sadness and happiness) are presumed to have a biological origin related to adaptation and survival tasks (Eyal and Fishbach 2009). For example, fear is experienced in response to danger (Tooby and Cosmides 1990). Additionally, basic emotions have been shown to appear earlier in life than self-conscious emotions (Lewis 2000). Self-conscious emotions play an important role in motivating and regulating behavior (Fisher and Tangney 1995). For example, self-conscious emotions motivate individuals to work harder in achievement tasks (Weiner 1985) and to behave in socially appropriate ways (Baumeister, Stillwell and Heatherton 1994). Additionally, self-conscious emotions provide individuals with important feedback related to where they stand compared to important personal standards (Beer and Keltner 2004). Thus, recent research has found evidence that self-conscious emotions are associated with long-term goals (Giner-Sorolla 2001; Eyal and Fishbach 2009). However, most of the research to date on self-conscious emotions has focused on how negative self- conscious emotions influence behavior, including indulgent consumption. For

10 example, the consumer behavior literature typically assumes that guilt plays a central role in allowing individuals to avoid indulgences (see for further review Dhar and Wertenbroch 2000). However, less is known about how positive self-conscious emotions, specifically pride, influence behavior (Tracy and Robins 2007). Pride is a prevalent human emotion that performs a number of important psychological functions. Children experience pride when they do well at new tasks; adults feel pride when they get a good performance review at work; parents feel pride when their children take their first steps; consumers feel pride when they buy their first home. Feelings of pride have been shown to promote prosocial behaviors such as altruism (Hart and Matsuba 2007; Weiner 1985). The loss of pride is thought to provoke aggression and antisocial behaviors in response to ego threats (Bushman and Baumeister 1998). Additionally, pride is thought to perform a number of social functions. For example, recent research suggests that there are distinctly recognized nonverbal expressions attributable to pride that can be identified by children and adults (Tracy and Robins 2004; Tracy, Robins, and Lagattuta 2005). Consequently, pride is thought to be a key emotion for communicating success to others, which may enhance a person’s social status (Tracy and Robins 2007) and aide in group acceptance (Leary et al. 1995). Although pride may be an understudied emotion in the cognitive and social psychology literature, even less is known about its effect on consumer behavior. The marketing literature has identified several of the factors that can lead consumers to experience pride. For example, consumers experience pride when they feel personally responsible for obtaining a discount (Louro, Pieters and Zeelenberg 2005;

11 Schindler 1998). The anticipation of pride has been theorized to help consumers avoid indulgences (MacInnis and Patrick 2006), but not empirically examined. Moreover, pride appeals have been shown to affect consumers’ attitudes toward advertisements and brands (Aaker and Williams 1998). However, we do not have a clear understanding of how its experience motivates behavior. Perhaps the most relevant aspect to the experience of pride for goal pursuit is that individuals generally feel pride when they have achieved or made progress toward a long-term goal (Giner-Sorolla 2001; Eyal and Fishbach 2009). For instance, consumers experience pride when they avoid impulsive purchases and act in accordance with their long-term money savings goals (Mukhopadhyay and Johar 2007). This would seem to suggest that the experience of pride should motivate consumers toward long-term achievements and, in turn, reduce their preference for indulgent products that undermine such pursuits. However, the literature on self- regulation suggests that pride may have a different effect on consumer decision- making.

12 A MODEL OF PRIDE AND INDULGENCE

Self Regulation and Indulgence

When consumers are exposed to threats to their long-term goals (i.e., indulgences), self-regulatory processes often facilitate their ability to act in accordance with such objectives (Fishbach and Shah 2006). For example, self regulation has been viewed as the process by which consumers avoid impulsive purchases that would undermine their money savings goals (Baumeister 2002). The feedback models of self-regulation (Baumeister and Heatherton 1996; Carver and Scheier 1981) suggest that there are three main components to successful self regulation and that people may fail in their goal pursuit due to either component. The first component is standards, which refers to goals and other guidelines that a consumer wishes to achieve. Without clear and appropriate goals, self regulation will be hindered. For example, overly optimistic individuals often suffer self regulation failures because they set unrealistic goals that they cannot achieve (Heatherton and Ambady 1993). In the marketing literature, research has found that chronically impulsive consumers have more accessible hedonic goals that lead them to choose immediate indulgent options over more prudent alternatives associated with long- term goals (Ramanathan and Menon 2006). The second component of self regulation is the process of monitoring behavior. Monitoring involves comparing one’s current state to a desired goal to ensure that one’s actions are consistent with that goal (Baumeister, Heatherton and

13 Tice 1994). Thus, when consumers face indulgent decisions, they are able to avoid indulging themselves by consciously monitoring their behavior relative to their long- term goals. For example, a dieter is able to avoid eating fattening food by consciously monitoring his food intake to ensure that it is consistent with his dieting goal. When individuals are unable to effectively monitor their behavior, they frequently choose indulgent options over those that are more consistent with their important long-term objectives (Shiv and Fedorikhin 1999; 2000). The third component, the operate phase, refers to individuals’ ability to control or change their behavior. When the monitoring process sends feedback that a person’s current behavior (or intended behavior) falls short of a goal, he will attempt to change his behavior to act in accordance with his long-term objectives. Without the ability to change or adjust one’s behavior, self regulation will fail. Although little attention has been devoted to this component in previous research, it is apparent that self regulation can fail despite having appropriate goals and the ability to monitor behavior (Baumeister and Heatherton 1996). Notably, the feedback models suggest that emotions are a central component of self regulation and their experience has motivational properties that can enhance or reduce goal pursuit.

Pride as Information

Carver and Scheier (1990; 1998) suggest that when people are monitoring their behavior relative to a goal, emotions provide them with important information on their progress toward the goal. Specifically, they suggest that emotions signal to

14 individuals that there is discrepancy between their actual and expected progress toward a goal. Consequently, when individuals perceive that their progress toward a goal is below their standard, they experience negative emotions, which signal goal failure. In contrast, if they perceive that their progress exceeds their standard, they experience positive emotions, which signal goal attainment. If emotions reflect feedback from the monitoring process related to the pursuit of personal goals, then the experience of emotions should motivate individuals to adjust their behavior to remain consistent with their expectations – whether the emotion is positive or negative. When individuals experience negative emotions, it signals they need to try harder to achieve their goal or control their behavior to ensure that it is in accordance with their goal. This is consistent with previous research suggesting that consumers are less likely to indulge themselves because of the anticipation of negative emotions that would result from such behaviors (Dhar and Wertenbroch 2000; Okada 2005; Strahilevitz and Myers 1998). For example, Okada (2005) demonstrated that individuals are more likely to prefer indulgent foods when such items are considered alone compared to when they are considered jointly with a healthy option, because choosing an indulgent option over a healthy alternative requires justification to reduce guilt. Additionally, research has shown that consumers often experience a range of negative emotions when they fail to regulate their behavior (Ramanathan and Williams 2007). These emotions then lead them to overcome their negative emotions by choosing virtuous options in subsequent decisions. Carver and Scheier’s model (1990; 1998) also makes an interesting prediction regarding the effect of positive emotions on goal pursuit. If positive emotions signal

15 goal achievement, then upon experiencing positive emotions, consumers are likely to reduce subsequent effort in the domain (Carver 2006) or “coast” a little in their goal pursuit (cf. Frijda 1994, p. 113). Interestingly, this suggests that positive emotions may reduce a person’s effort toward a long-term goal, which, in turn, should increase his or her preference for indulgent options that would undermine such goals. However, the model does not specify the nature of the goal that individuals are pursuing or the type of emotion that they happen to be experiencing. It also appears counter to what we already know about the motivational properties of emotions since happiness, a positive emotion, has been shown to reduce indulgent behavior compared to sadness, a negative emotion (e.g., Andrade 2005; Garg et al. 2007; Giner-Sorolla 2001). Additionally, Tice and colleagues (2007) found that positive affect can enhance self regulation under conditions that typically limit self-control. Finally, Fishbach and Labroo (2007) found that happy moods make people more likely to adopt goals compared to sad moods. Thus, there must be an additional dimension to the experience of an emotion that has not been considered. I suggest that in order to understand how an emotion influences the pursuit of long-term goals, one must not only consider the valence of the emotion, but whether the information conveyed by its experience will be informative for long-term goal pursuit. Because pride is experienced in response to the achievement of long-term goals, upon experiencing pride, individuals are likely to infer that they have achieved or have made satisfactory progress toward a long-term goal. Consequently, when consumers face an indulgent choice and they begin to monitor their behavior relative to a long-term goal, they should misattribute the experience of pride as having

16 temporarily satisfied the goal, which, in turn, should license indulgence. Thus, the experience of pride, even if it is incidental to a decision, should serve as a source of information (Schwarz and Clore 1983) that increases preference for indulgent products when consumers are monitoring their behavior.

Pride as a Behavioral Cue

The preceding discussion suggests that pride should influence goal pursuit through a conscious process while consumers are monitoring their behavior. However, recent evidence suggests that emotions may also influence goal pursuit through an automatic process that does not require the capacity to consciously monitor behavior (Lang, Bradley and Cuthbert 1998; Zemack-Rugar et al. 2006; Eyal and Fishbach 2009). When individuals experience an emotion or are primed with an emotion, it is accompanied by a number of cognitions that comprise the emotion’s experience. Together, the cognitions form the mental representation of the emotion (i.e., the schema) that is linked to past behaviors and action tendencies in memory (Lang et al. 1998), which help guide actions and facilitate emotion-appropriate behavior (Schachter and Singer 1962). For example, people who experience fear are more likely to shy away from risk compared to those who experience anger because the experience of fear is accompanied by cognitions that lead individuals to appraise the environment as uncertain and beyond their control (Lerner and Keltner 2001). Additionally, people in happy and sad moods have been shown to process mood consistent words easier and be more likely to respond to lexical ambiguity in a mood

17 consistent manner (Halberstadt, Niedenthal and Kushner 1995; Niedenthal and Setterlund 1994). Much of the previous research in this area has demonstrated the behavioral consequences of emotions by consciously activating an emotion’s schema through consciously priming the emotional concept (Giner-Sorolla 2001) or inducing the emotional experience (Lerner and Keltner 2001). However, an emotion’s schema and related cognitions may also be activated outside of conscious awareness, suggesting that emotions may have an automatic influence on behavior. In a recent study, Zemack-Rugar and colleagues (2006) found that nonconsciously priming participants with concepts associated with guilt decreased indulgent behavior compared to when participants were nonconsciously primed with sad emotional concepts because sadness is linked in memory to indulgent behaviors, whereas guilt is linked to behaviors consistent with indulgence avoidance. This suggests that pride may have a different influence on goal pursuit beyond that of the information provided during the monitoring process. Because pride is experienced in response to the achievement of long-term goals, its schema is linked in memory to cognitions associated with the successful pursuit of long-term goals (Eyal and Fishbach 2009). Thus, when individuals experience pride, it should activate past behaviors and action tendencies related to the successful pursuit of long-term goals, which, in turn, should serve as cues to guide behavior. Notably, this suggests that the automatic component of pride may have the opposite effect on consumers’ preference for indulgence compared to the more conscious licensing effect discussed previously. Specifically, it suggest that pride may decrease consumers’ preference for indulgent

Full document contains 83 pages
Abstract: Emotions play an important role in the pursuit of goals. Because previous research on emotions has focused primarily on the effect of happiness (versus sadness) on indulgent consumption, we know little about how other positive emotions, such as pride, affect behavior. This dissertation introduces a theoretical model to explain how the experience of pride affects the pursuit of long-term goals and consumers' preference for indulgent products that undermine such pursuits. In four studies, I demonstrate that when consumers are consciously monitoring their behavior, pride serves as a source of information that reduces their long-term goal pursuit and, in turn, increases their preference for indulgent products. When consumers are unable to monitor their behavior or when the experience of pride is discredited as a source of information, pride reduces their preference for indulgent alternatives by cuing the pursuit of long-term goals.