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H[dotbelow]ry-tp '3 n sp3t (Great Overlord of the Nome): The office of nomarch during the First Intermediate Period

ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 2009
Dissertation
Author: Louise Marie Cooper
Abstract:
The First Intermediate Period has often been treated as a time of chaos and decline, being accorded little or no importance in the developmental history of ancient Egypt. However, in recent years, scholars have begun to approach the study of this period from the viewpoint that it illustrates a shift or change in societal structure rather than a complete loss of control. It is this shift in political power from a central government to a localized administration that is the focus of this dissertation, with the specific goal of revealing the nature of the office of nomarch. Opinions differ regarding (1) which noblemen should be classified as nomarchs, (2) the overall number of nomarchs in power during the period, and (3) the amount of authority each wielded. Primary source materials naming those possessing the title of nomarch have been examined by type within their respective nomes, as well as in comparison across nome boundaries, in order to analyze these topics of contention. This has also led to a comparison of the characteristics of the office of nomarch with those of overseer, priest, and king. One of the basic components of this investigation has also been the substantiation of a time frame. Political instability is the generally accepted condition for designating a period in ancient Egyptian history as "intermediate." An investigation of the extant dynastic dating system and how it has been applied to the time of the rule of the nomarchs has informed the dating of the First Intermediate Period in this dissertation.

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS viii CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Purpose 2 1.2 Scope 3 1.3 Methodology 5 1.4 Historiography 7 2. THE OFFICE OF NOMARCH 23 2.1 Spit 23 2.2 Hry-tp ci n spit: Origin and Definition 27 2.2.1 Hry-tp ri n spit = "Nomarch" 32 2.2.2 Duties and Allegiances 38 2.2.3 Appointment versus Appropriation 40 2.2.4 Families of Nomarchs 42 2.3 Other Local Offices 46 2.4 Nomarchs and Viziers 49 3. THE FIRST INTERMEDIATE PERIOD 56 3.1 Definition and Dynasties 56 3.2 Provincial History 59 3.2.1 Site Remains 60 3.2.2 Funerary Equipment 65 3.2.2.1 Tomb Inscriptions 65 3.2.2.2 Coffins 81 3.2.2.3 Autobiographical Stelae 84 3.2.3 Royal Decrees 92 3.2.4 Rock Inscriptions and Graffiti 96 3.3 King Lists 99 3.3.1 Royal Canon of Turin 100 3.3.2 Abydos King Lists 101 3.3.3 Tod King List 102 3.3.4 Elephantine King List 102 3.3.5 Manetho 103 3.4 Literature 107 3.4.1 Instruction for Merikare 108 3.4.2 Admonition of Ipuwer 110 3.4.3 Tale of the Eloquent Peasant 113 VI

3.5 Foreign Relations 114 3.5.1 Nubia 117 3.5.2 Western Asia 121 4. CONCLUSIONS 124 REFERENCES 135 vn

ABBREVIATIONS ACER AegLeod AJA ASAE ASE BACE BAR BES BIFAO BMFA BSAE CdE CG CRAIBL DE EA EEF EES FIP GM IFAO JAOS Australian Centre for Egyptological Research Aegyptiaca Leodiensia American Journal of Archaeology Annales du Service des Antiquites de I'Egypte Archaeological Survey of Egypt Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology British Archaeological Reports Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar Bulletin de I'Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale Museum of Fine Arts, Boston British School of Archaeology in Egypt Chronique d'Egypte Catalogue General Comptes rendus des seances de VAcademie des incriptions et belles-lettres Discussions in Egyptology Egyptian Archaeology Egypt Exploration Fund Egypt Exploration Society First Intermediate Period Gottinger Miszellen Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale Journal of the American Oriental Society viii

Journal d'Entree JEA JEOL JNES LAAA LE MDAIK MK MMA NARCE 01 OIP OK P PM RdE SAK SAOC SIP TAVO UE Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Gezelschap/Genootschap "Ex Oreinte Lux " Journal of Near Eastern Studies Liverpool Annals of Archaeology & Anthropology Lower Egyptian Nome Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Institut, Abteilung Kairo Middle Kingdom Metropolitan Museum of Art Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt Oriental Institute Oriental Institute Publications Old Kingdom Papyrus Bertha Porter and Rosalind L. B. Moss. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Revue d'Egyptologie Studien zum altagyptischen Kultur Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization Second Intermediate Period Tubinger Altas des Vorderen Orients Upper Egyptian Nome ix

VA Varia Aegyptiaca WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes ZAS Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache und A Iterturnskunde x

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION During the First Intermediate Period (ca. 2220-2040 B.C.E.)1 Egypt was controlled by local rulers. These hryw-tp CS (great chiefs/overlords, i.e., nomarchs) had originally been central government administrators assigned to maintain the provinces in the Old Kingdom. They were shifted from one nome to another in service to the king. This ended in Dynasty V when the office of nomarch became hereditary, and thereby stationary.2 As early as the late Old Kingdom hryw-tp rS (nomarchs) took on the self- appointed role of temple administrator in their respective provinces. Epithets from this period also refer to their legal authority at the local level. The hryw-tp r3 received instruction from, and reported to, the fiiti sSb tSti (vizier).3 Tax assessment and corvee labor decisions were made by the central government, then implemented locally. With the decline of centralized power, the hryw-tp r3 claimed authority over taxation and labor assignments as an extension of their Old Kingdom responsibilities. The collapse of the 1 The widest range of promulgated dates is used here. The introduction of the term First Intermediate Period to refer to the time between the Old and Middle Kingdoms probably occurred in the late nineteenth century. It was in common usage before 1950. E.g., Henri Frankfort, "Egypt and Syria in the First Intermediate Period," JEA 12 (1926): 80-99; Jacques J. Clere and Jacques Vandier, Textes de la premiere periode intermediate et de laXIeme dynastie (Brussels: Edition de la Fondation egyptologique reine Elisabeth, 1948); Hanns Stock, Studia Aegyptiaca II. Die erste Zwischenzeit Agyptens: untergang der Pyramidenzeit, Zwischenreiche von Abydos und Herakleopolis, Aufstieg Thebens. Analecta Orientalia 31 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1949). 2 Henry George Fischer, "Four Provincial Administrators at the Memphite Cemeteries," JAOS 74.1 (1954): 26-34; Naguib Kanawati, Akhmim in the Old Kingdom. Part I: Chronology and Administration (Sydney: The Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1992); A. el-Khouli and Naguib Kanawati, The Old Kingdom Tombs of el-Hammamiya. ACER 2 (Sydney: The Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1990). 3 Vizier is also written tt. 1

central administration at the end of the Old Kingdom allowed the local governors to assume even greater political authority.4 The boundaries of the Upper and Lower Egyptian nomes were established in the Old Kingdom.5 By the First Intermediate Period, from Aswan in the south to Saqqara in the north, the nomes were governed by local hereditary nobles who dated events according to their own "reigns,"6 raised their own armies, built and manned their own fleets, and erected quasi-royal monuments to themselves. It was not until the Eleventh Dynasty when Nb-h3pt-Rc Mntw-htp(w) ended the reign of the Heracleopolitans that Egypt was once again united under centralized rule.7 1.1 Purpose The First Intermediate Period has often been treated as a time of chaos and decline and accorded little or no developmental importance in the history of ancient Egypt. However, in recent years, scholars have begun to approach the study of this period from the viewpoint that it illustrates a shift or change in societal structure rather 4 Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia, "Administration territoriale et organisation de Pespace en Egypte au troisieme millenaire avant J.-C. (II): swnw" ZAS 124 (1997): 117-130.; Naguib Kanawati, Governmental Reforms in Old Kingdom Egypt (Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1980): 88-99. For fluctuations see Naguib Kanawati, The Egyptian Administration in the Old Kingdom: Evidence on its Economic Decline (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977), 78. 5 Toby A. H. Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt (London: Routledge, 2001), 142. 6 See section 3.3 for the FIP kings whose names appear on official king-lists. 7 Stephan J. Seidlmayer, "Zwei Anmerkungen zur Dynastie der Herakleopoliten," GM157 (1997): 81-90; James P. Allen, "Some Theban Officials of the Early Middle Kingdom," in Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, vol. 1, ed. Peter Der Manuelian (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1996), 1-26; Louise Gestermann, Kontinuitat und Wandel in Politik und Verwaltung desfruhen Mittleren Reiches in Agypten (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1987); Claude Vandersleyen, "La Titulature du Mentouhotep II," in Essays in Egyptology in honor of Hans Goedicke, eds. Betsy M. Bryan and David Lorton (San Antonio: Van Siclen Books, 1994), 317-320. 2

than a complete loss of control. It is the shift in political power from a central government to localized administration that will be the focus of this dissertation, with the goal of revealing the true nature of the office of hry-tp CS (nomarch). 1.2 Scope There are a number of issues that need to be addressed as Egyptologists disagree on many aspects of the First Intermediate Period. One of the most basic components in the study of the First Intermediate Period is the substantiation of a time frame. Some scholars follow the early-established dating system of referring to the time between the Old and Middle Kingdoms (Dynasties VII through X/early XI) as the First Intermediate Period, while others date the First Intermediate Period beginning with the concurrent Dynasties IX and X or even with Dynasty VI after the reign of Ppy II.9 Political instability is the generally accepted condition for designating a period in ancient Egyptian history as intermediate.10 The modern definitions of political stability and instability as imposed upon the administration of ancient Egypt, as well as how these constructs can be applied to the First Intermediate Period, are discussed in Chapter 3. 8 Jan Assmann, Agypten: ein Sinngeschichte (Munich: Hanser, 1996), 122-134; Toby A. H. Wilkinson, Lives of the Ancient Egyptians (London: Thames & Hudson, 2007). 9 E.g., Jilrgen von Beckerath, Chronologie des pharaonischen agypten: Die Zeitbestimmung der agyptischen Geschichte von der Vorzeit bis 332 v. Chr. (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1997), 143- 145; Ian Shaw, The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 480; Aidan Dodson and Dyan Hilton, The Complete Royal Families of Ancient Egypt (London: Thames & Hudson, Ltd., 2004), 80, 82; Peter A. Clayton, Chronicle of the Pharaohs: The Reign-by-Reign Record of Rulers and Dynasties of Ancient Egypt (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996), 68, 70; William Stevenson Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, rev. William Kelly Simpson (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), ix; Kathryn A. Bard and Steven Blake Shubert, Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Egypt (New York: Routledge, 1999), xxviii. 10 Thomas Schneider, "Periodizing Egyptian History: Manetho, Convention, and Beyond," in Historiographie in der Antike, ed. Klaus-Peter Adam (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008), 185. Schneider specifies what differentiates a kingdom from an intermediate period is Egyptian unity under one ruler. 3

While it is important to establish the chronological scope of this study, determining the identity of the First Intermediate Period hryw-tp r? (nomarchs) is the primary goal of this dissertation. Scholars differ in opinion, especially in recent times, with respect to the overall number of hryw-tp rS.11 The questions "Who were the nomarchs?" and "How many were there?" can best be answered by a careful study of titles. The most concrete identifier is the presence of the title hry-tp ri (n spit) (great chief/overlord [of the nome], i.e., nomarch). In a recent study on the office of hry-tp r3 during the reign of S-n-Wsrt I, Nathalie Favry states that the function of the hry-tp r3 in the Middle Kingdom is qualified by the presence of the joint titles h3ty-r ("count"12) and imy-r hm(w)-ntr (overseer of priests). Favry is not the only Egyptologist to identify holders of these lesser titles with the office of hry-tp r3.14 However, one cannot assume that h?ty-c and/or imy-r hm(w)-ntr were hryw-tp r3, especially in cases in which such men do not possess the title hry-tp c3. For the period in question, only those wielding the title hry-tp c? are positively identified as nomarchs. This and analogous issues are the focus of Chapters 2 and 3. Related to the identity of the hryw-tp ri (nomarchs) is the extent of their political authority. Often this is briefly stated by modern writers in vague terms as being either regionally all encompassing or, conversely, rather limited. Such statements are 11 Detlef Franke, "The Career of Khnumhotep III of Beni Hasan and the so-called 'Decline of the Nomarchs,'" in Middle Kingdom Studies, ed. Stephen Quirke (New Maiden: SIA Publishing, 1991), 51-67; Eugene Cruz-Uribe, "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom," VA 3 (1987): 107-112. 12 The translation "count" is used for the sake of convenience herein. 13 Nathalie Favry, Le nomarque sous le regne de Sesostris Ier (Paris:Presses de PUniversite de Paris-Sorbonne, 2004), 5. 14 Edward Brovarski, "The Inscribed Material of the First Intermediate Period from Naga-ed-Der" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1989). 4

frequently not followed by the citation of primary source evidence to support these conclusions. Another goal of this dissertation is to identify the specific governing powers the hryw-tp c? wielded, how they were acquired or conferred, and how they were exercised. Inherent in this investigation is the examination of the relationships between hryw-tp r3 and those in various social and political positions relative to the office. This theme is explored throughout Chapters 2 and 3. 1.3 Methodology Previously, the nomes have been addressed by scholars either as individually cataloged geographical entities or with regard to the occurrence of specific historical events or archaeological finds.15 This dissertation analyzes the information contained in published monographs, catalogs, treatises and other works dealing with nomes, hryw-tp ri (nomarchs) and the First Intermediate Period in general in a manner which provides a holistic record of the period. Almost twenty years ago Edward Brovarski stated that it serves no purpose to compare objects from different nomes, as they cannot be used to 15 E.g., Henry George Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C. down to the Theban Domination of'Upper Egypt'(Locust Valley, New York: J. J. Augustin, 1968); Henry George Fischer, "Denderah in the Old Kingdom and its Aftermath" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1955); Henry George Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome, Dynasties VI-XI (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Biblicum, 1964); Dows Dunham, Naga-ed-Der Stela of the First Intermediate Period (London: Oxford University Press, 1937); Percy E. Newberry, Beni Hasan. 4 vols. (London: EEF, 1893-1904); Donald B. Spanel, "Beni Hasan in the Herakleopolitan Period" (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1985); Jacques Vandier, Moralla: La tombe d'Ankhtifi et la tombe de Sebekhotep (Cairo: IFAO, 1950); Harms Stock, erste Zwischenzeit; Wolfgang Helck, Die altagyptischen Gaue (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1974); Eva Martin-Pardey, Untersuchungen zur agyptischen Provinzialverwaltung bis zum Ende des Alten Reiches (Hildesheim: Gebriider Gerstenberg, 1976); Farouk Gomaa, Agypten wdhrend der Ersten Zwischenzeit. TAVO B 27 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1980); Alicia Daneri de Rodrigo, Las Dinastias VIl-VIHy elperiodo heracleopolitano en Egipto: problemas de reconstruccion historica de una epoca de crisis (Buenos Aires: Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tenicas, 1992); Hellmut Brunner, Die texte aus dem grabern der Herakleopolitenzeit von Siut mit ubersetzung und erlduterungen (Gluckstadt: J. J. Augustin, 1937); Elmar Edel, Die Inschriften der Grabfronten der Siut-Graber in Mitteldgypten aus der Herakleopolitenzeit: Eine Wiederherstellung nach den Zeichnungen der Description de I'Egypte (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1984). 5

establish concrete chronologies or evolutions in linguistic or artistic practices.16 Yet, to attempt a study of the office of nomarch without considering all the extant and relevant data would be folly. The usefulness of this dissertation lies in the fact that it does provide an analysis of the nomarchial materials discovered thusfar throughout Egypt. The study of objects naming the holders of the title of hry-tp r3 (nomarch) should provide answers to unresolved questions. To this end, primary source materials naming those possessing the title of hry-tp r3 (i.e., inscriptions, autobiographies, etc.) are examined by type within their respective nomes as well as in comparison across nome boundaries. Included in individual entries (Chapter 3) are references to provenience, dating, location, and publication. Similarities and differences between objects, where apparent, are noted. To aid in this comparison, the nomes and the specific locations within their boundaries are dealt with geographically, with particular attention paid to spatial relationships. Also, objects naming men believed by scholars to be hryw-tp c? who do not bear the title, are compared with the material remains of those who are hryw- tp rS for the purpose of determining whether they should be designated as such. For this comparison, hallmarks of the office of hry-tp CS beyond the title itself have been established in the initial comparison of known nomarchs. All available secondary materials relevant to this study are also carefully considered. Finally, some Egyptologists, such as Henry G. Fischer and Sabine Kubisch, have observed patterns in orthography in individual nomes and among select groupings of nomes which appear to have influenced other nomes' funerary decorative schemes during Brovarski, "Inscribed Material." 6

the First Intermediate Period. The analysis of materials spanning all the nomes allows for a continuation of this type of charting, which, in turn, facilitates a more accurate proveniencing and dating of the objects in this study. 1.4 Historiography In recent years the definition of historiography has become quite complex.18 In simplified terms, historiography is the way in which knowledge of the past is obtained and communicated. Historiography can also be defined as a body of historical work. In each instance the source material, the author's interpretation of it, and the intended audience are of paramount importance.19 This section explores the attitudes, methodologies and texts pertaining to the creation of a history of the First Intermediate period. Despite the growing interest in the First Intermediate Period, no thorough historical study exists.20 Indeed, this dissertation, while making advances, does not address all aspects of the period. The interest in creating a record of the history of Egypt is an ancient one. From administrative records to autobiographical and literary texts, we have been able to learn much about the First Intermediate Period, despite gaps in information. Yet we must still make educated guesses as to what elements of ancient 17 Fischer, Dendera; Sabine Kubisch, "Die stelen der 1. zwischenzeit aus Gebelein," MDAIK 56 (2000): 239-265. 18 It is also subject to typological classification, such as revisionist, Annales School, Marxist, and metahistory. 19 For detailed definitions of "historiography" see Patrick 0'Mara,"Was there an Old Kingdom Historiography? Is it Datable?" Orientalia 65 (1996): 197. 20 Schneider, "Periodizing Egyptian History," 181-194. See also Stock, erste Zwischenzeit; Gomaa, Ersten Zwischenzeit; Daneri de Rodrigo, Las Dinastias; Brunner, Herakleopolitenzeit; Edel, Herakleopolitenzeit. 7

documents were intended to be records of historical fact and what documents can be considered historical, regardless of their nature. In a similar vein, modern scholars are also at a loss to describe the ancient Egyptian idea of history. There is no word in the language for the term "history," nor do we know if the ancient concept matches our own (i.e., that it is based upon the interpretation of factual events). What is known is that ancient Egyptians referenced the past with regard to their own identities.21 Although some researchers doubt the existence of ancient historiography,22 I believe the Egyptians were concerned with recording events, and agree with John Van Seters' assessment that all ancient near eastern civilizations were occupied with writing about recent events and about the remote past. Reference to the ideology of kingship is central to the documenting of events, whether it is stating one's relationship to a contemporary monarch in order to lend legitimacy to one's claims, such as an autobiography, or whether it establishes a link to the distant past for a particular event, such as a king list.24 While the veracity of many records is called into question because of formulaic or seemingly mythological components, Egyptologists must, of necessity, presume that personal information such as names, titles, dates, and most locations is accurate. It is for 21 John Tait, "Introduction - '... Since the Time of the Gods,'" in 'Never had the Like Occurred': Egypt's view of its past. Encounters With Ancient Egypt, ed. John Tait (London: UCL Press, 2003), 1; Donald B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books (Mississauga, Ontario: Benben Publications, 1986), xvi-xvii. In "Memorandum on the Approach to Historiographic Texts," (Orientalia 42 [1973]: 180) Mario Liverani states, "...every historical society has a certain characteristic way of conceiving, of living, of presenting reality." 22 O'Mara, "Historiography?" 197-208. 23 John Van Seters, "The Historiography of the Ancient Near East," in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East IV, ed. Jack M. Sasson (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2000), 2433-2440. 24 Van Seters, "Historiography," 2433-2440; Redford, King-Lists. Specific autobiographies, king lists, and other primary sources are discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. 8

this reason that collections of letters, decrees, king lists, accounting lists, graffiti, inscribed funerary monuments, autobiographical inscriptions, and, with reservation, literary texts are used to reconstruct histories. Also problematic is the fact that modern scholars must rely solely upon the accident of survival of ancient texts, the majority of which only divulge information about the lives of the elite from their own point of view. Ancient foreign writers, in all probability, did not make a great effort to acquire all extant evidence in order to formulate a history. They had access to what they believed were traditional or irrefutable written and oral accounts of events for what was already to them the very distant past. However, careful comparison of the ancient histories with archaeological and textual sources has proven that those who labored to create an accurate record of Egypt's history were often at an unknown factual disadvantage from the onset of what modern scholars term history writing. Surviving Greek accounts of Egypt, contained within larger works, have been composed by Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Plutarch. The Greeks portrayed Egypt or aspects of Egyptian history as marginal in relation to the aggrandizing history of their own state. The primary concern of Greek historians was to establish a connection of great antiquity between Egypt and Greece and to illustrate links between Egyptian traditions and Greek practices. Regarding The Second Book of Herodotus' The History (of the Persian Wars), Alan B. Lloyd stated that it "presents a view of Egypt's past which shows no genuine understanding of Egyptian history. Everything has been uncompromisingly customized Herodotus, History of the Perisan Wars, Book 2; Diodorus, Library of History, Book 1; Strabo, Geography, Book 17; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris. 9

for Greek consumption and cast unequivocally into a Greek mold." Yet Lloyd concluded, "it is extremely doubtful whether any historian before modern times could have significantly improved upon Herodotus' performance."27 Despite the fact that Herodotus' account was written for a Greek audience and makes use of Greek terms for Egyptian gods, objects, and locations, he correctly re-defined Egypt, as noted by Stanley M. Burstein, as being the area of the Nile Valley inhabited by people identified as Egyptian based upon their culture. Implicit in this is the idea that Egypt was a land with its own history. In his narrative, Herodotus mentions a list of 300 Egyptian royal names which were read to him by the priesthood. This list contained the name of the one native queen: Nitocris. Herodotus recounts that she ruled immediately prior to a group of kings who were not worthy of note, nor did they leave any significant monuments, except the last ruler,29 whose true name is not the one recorded by the historian. It is apparent that the rulers of the First Intermediate Period through early-Dynasty XII were not considered to be of importance during the fifth century B.C.E. 26 Alan B. Lloyd, "Herodotus' Account of Pharaonic History," Historia 37 (1988): 52; Stanley M. Burstein, "Images of Egypt in Greek Historiography," in Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. Antonio Loprieno (New York: E. J. Brill, 1996), 593. 27 Lloyd, "Herodotus' Account," 52; Stanley M. Burstein, "Hecataeus of Abdera's History of Egypt," in Graeco-Africana: Studies in the History of Greek Relations with Egypt and Nubia (New York: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1995), 19. 28 Burstein, "Images," 595. Prior to Herodotus' description, Egypt was defined as the areas comprising Memphis and the Delta. 29 George Rawlinson, trans., "The History of Herodotus," in Great Books of the Western World, vol. 6, Herodotus, Thucydides, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1977), 68-69. 30 The only noteworthy event of the period was the rule of Hty. Von Beckerath, Chronologie, 220: "1. Achthoes Glossen 1. A/E: Grausam, verfallt in Wahnsinn, von Krokodil gefressen."; Redford, King- Lists, 208: "Dynasty 9 16) Akhtoy: a cruel man, went mad and was killed by a crocodile." In The Writing of History in Ancient Egypt during the First Millennium BC (ca. 1070-180 BC). Trends and Perspecitves (Egyptology 5 [Golden House Publications, 2006], 158-159) Roberto B. Gozzoli states the priests may have chosen to place such importance on telling the story of Queen Nitocris because their Saite god's wife 10

The Egyptian priest Manetho wrote a history of Egypt in Greek during the third century B.C.E. It survives in fragments within works by Josephus, Africanus, and Eusebius.31 Manetho's history chronicles the reigns of mythical and actual Egyptian kings. Discrepancies among the versions of the text have proven problematic.32 According to Africanus' copy of Manetho, Dynasty VII "consisted of seventy kings of Memphis, who reigned for 70 days." But Eusebius' copy of Africanus' version reads, "consisted of five kings of Memphis, who reigned for 75 days."33 Yet another copy by Eusebius (Armenian Version) states that the five kings "held sway" for 75 years.34 This wording implies that they may not have ruled as kings, if at all. Numerical differences also occur in the versions of the Dynasty VIII, Dynasty IX, and Dynasty XI entries, which is a common phenomenon in the copies of Manetho's writings. Fascination with Egypt's history did not end in antiquity. Medieval Arabs were also interested in the history of Egypt and attempted to unlock the answers to many questions, such as how to decipher the ancient script, what were the aspects of ancient Egyptian religion and how did the religion relate to the teachings of the Qur'an, what were the scientific uses of mummified bodies, and what was the role of the king in the administration of the state. The Arab approach, like that of previous historians, was to bore the same name. Robert Drews, in The Greek Accounts of Eastern History (Washington: Center for Hellenic Studies, 1973), believes that Herodotus attempted to acquire truthful accounts of Egypt's history, but the priests with whom he spoke were not privy to the education received by those of higher rank. 31 Flavius Josephus, Contra Apionem, Book 1; Sextus Julius Africanus, Chronographia; Eusebius, Chronicon. 32 This topic is discussed in detail in section 3.3.5. 33 Manetho, Manetho, trans. W. G. Waddell. Loeb Classical Library 350 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 57. 34 Manetho, Manetho, 59. 11

Full document contains 164 pages
Abstract: The First Intermediate Period has often been treated as a time of chaos and decline, being accorded little or no importance in the developmental history of ancient Egypt. However, in recent years, scholars have begun to approach the study of this period from the viewpoint that it illustrates a shift or change in societal structure rather than a complete loss of control. It is this shift in political power from a central government to a localized administration that is the focus of this dissertation, with the specific goal of revealing the nature of the office of nomarch. Opinions differ regarding (1) which noblemen should be classified as nomarchs, (2) the overall number of nomarchs in power during the period, and (3) the amount of authority each wielded. Primary source materials naming those possessing the title of nomarch have been examined by type within their respective nomes, as well as in comparison across nome boundaries, in order to analyze these topics of contention. This has also led to a comparison of the characteristics of the office of nomarch with those of overseer, priest, and king. One of the basic components of this investigation has also been the substantiation of a time frame. Political instability is the generally accepted condition for designating a period in ancient Egyptian history as "intermediate." An investigation of the extant dynastic dating system and how it has been applied to the time of the rule of the nomarchs has informed the dating of the First Intermediate Period in this dissertation.